
























. 






I| UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. # 








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* * 























THE SABINE MAIDENS CARRIED OFF 


p. 42. 
















































































































































PLUTARCH’S 


LIVES 


OF 


CELEBRATED ROMANS, 

(£ottlJmse&; 

WITH ADDITIONS FROM 

NIEBUHR, GIBBON, FERGUSSON, ADAMS, 

ALSO FROM 

LIYY, TACITUS, SALLUST, JUSTIN, 

ETC. 


“ PLUTARCH, IN FACT, WAS THE SHAKSPEARE OF 



LONDON: 

EDWARD LUMLEY. 


cj 


* 




































PREFACE. 


Without entering to the fullest extent into the feeling which 
dictated the language—“ I have entirely fed upon Niebuhr. 
I confess that I do not yet know a single point on which I 
have ventured to differ from him ; and my respect for him so 
increases the more I study him, that I am likely to grow even 
superstitious in my veneration, and to be afraid of expressing 


my dissent even if I believe him to be 


wrong 


1 ” 


1 —yet the 


Editor of the following volume is so far convinced of the general 
correctness of the theory of Perizonius, revived and expanded 
by Niebuhr, respecting the poetical character of the early 
Roman history, that he should not have hesitated to adopt it 
himself, but for the following reasons :—1. He does not profess 
to give to the public a book conveying his own peculiar senti 
ments upon the subjects of which it treats. The work, though 
moulded into a popular form, is substantially Plutarch’s ; whose 
credulity would doubtless have been shocked had the entire 
truth of the fables which he gravely records been for a moment 
called in question. 2. The Editor is, moreover, fully convinced, 
as a principle, of the extreme danger of attempting to shake 
theories of popular belief without giving, in detail, the reasons 
for so doing. This, of course, would be impossible in a 'work 
like the present. Sufficient, however, has been said in the 
notes which are interspersed throughout the volume to furnish, 
at least, suggestions to the carrying out of the theory to the 
more intelligent class of readers. 

A. J. H. 

Enfield, Middlesex. 

1 See “ Life of Arnold.”—Vol, ii. p. 21. 































INTRODUCTION. 


SECTION I. 

GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF ANCIENT ITALY. 

TitE celebrated peninsula named Italy, a country of Europe, from 
the great continent of which it is separated by the mountain range of 
the Alps, extends in a south-eastern direction, into the Mediterranean 
Sea, a distance of about five hundred miles. It is bounded on the north 
and north-west by the Alps, on the east by the Adriatic Sea, on the 
west by the Tyrrhenian or Lower Sea, and on the south by the 
Ionian Sea. Its breadth varies from one hundred to three hundred 
miles or more. Italy was anciently called, poetically from its different 
parts—Italia, Satumia, Latium, Tyrrhenia, Magna Graicia, Ausonia, 
H2notria. The Greeks called it Hesperia, as lying to the west of 
them. These names were originally appropriated to particular pro¬ 
vinces, but in process of time were applied to the whole country. 
The ancient inhabitants called themselves aborigines—offspring of 
the soil; and the country was at a very early period peopled by colo¬ 
nies from Greece. The Pelasgi and Arcadians made settlements 
there ; and the whole country was divided into as many different 
governments as there were towns, till the rapid increase of the 
Roman power changed the face of Italy, and united ail the states in 
the support of one common cause. The country may be divided into 
three parts :— 

1. Gallia Cisalplna :—2. Italia Propria :—3. Magna Gracia. 

I. GALLIA CISALPlNA. 

I. Gallia CisalpIna was also called Inter Alpes, SuhalpTna, CitS- 
rior, and, after the inhabitants were admitted to the right of Roman 
citizens, Togata. 

It was bounded by the Alps to the north ; Sinus LigustTcus, the 
Gulf of Genoa, to the west; the rivers Macra and Rubicon, to the 
south ; and by the river Arsia, and the Adriatic, to the east. 

B 




























o 


INTRODUCTION. 


It was divided by Padus, Po, into GalliajjTranspa d ana, north, and 
Cispadana, Southward of that river. 

The principal Tribes of Gallia Transpaddna. —The Ligures inhabited 
between the Macra and the Varus. Those on the coast called Capel- 
lati, the others were Montani. 

Chief Towns. —Genua, Genoa, or Genes; Clastidium ; Dertona, 
Tortona; Statiellce ; Albium Intemelium, VentimUle, or Vintimiglio; 
Albium Ingaunum, Albenga; Portus Herculis Monoeci, Monaco; 
Nicaea, Nice. 

The Seguslni inhabited the country of those famous chieftains, 
Cottius and Ideonnus, part of Piedmont and Dauphine, 

Chief Towns. —Brigantium Vicus, Brianpon; Ocellum, Exilles; Se- 
gusio, Suse or Susa. 

Mountains. —In this district were Mons Graius, or Cremonis Jugum, 
Little St. Bernard; Cinesius or Cinereus, Mont Cenis; the Alpes 
Cottiae, &c. 

Bicer. —Durentia, the Durance. 

The Taurlni, Salassii, Lepontii, also inhabited Piedmont. 

Chief Towns. —Augusta Taurinorum, Turin; Augusta Prcctoria, 
Aoust; Pollentia, Pollenza. 

The Instibres and Orobii inhabited the Milanese. In their country 
were the Raudii Campi, famous for the victory gained by Marius 
over the Cimbri. 

Chief Towns. —Mediolanum, Milan; Ticlnum, Pavia, which gave 
name to the river Ticlnus, Testn; Laus Pompeia, Old Lodi; Bergo- 
mum, Bergamo. 

The Cenomani inhabited part of the Cremonese, Veronese, Man¬ 
tuan, &c. 

Chief Towns. —Brixia, Brescia; Mantua (Virgil was born at a vil¬ 
lage near this city) ; Cremona (where he was educated) ; Bedriacum, 
famous for the defeat of Galba by Otho, and of Otlio by Vitellius’s 
generals ; and Verona, for its amphitheatre. 

The Euganei inhabited part of the Frentm, Bresson, Valtelfn. 

Chief Towns. —Anaunia, Nan ; Clavenna, Chiavenna. 

In this country were three lakes, Lacus Benacus, of Garda; Larius, 
of Como; Summus, of Chiavenna. 

Pars Rheetice contained Tridentum, Trent; and Feltria, Feltra. 

The Veneti, Carni, and Istri, inhabited the Venetian territories, 
Goritz, and a part of Istria. 

Chief Toxcns. —Of the Veneti, Patavium, Padua, the birth-place of 
the historian Livy ; Adria, Adri, which gave name to Mare Adria- 
ticum, the Gulf of Venice: —of the Carni, Aquilefa, Aquilca; Forum 
Julii, Friuli; Tergeste, Trieste, which gave name to the Sinus Ter- 
gestlnus :—of the Istri, Pda; Parentium, Parenzi; JEgida, Capo 
d’Istria. 

Rivers. —Eridanus, or Padus, Po; Addua, the Adda; Ollius, the 
Oglio; Athesis, the Adige; Medoacus Major, 'Brenta; Timuvus, 
Timavo. 


























INTRODUCTION. 


3 


II. Gallia Cispadana. —The principal tribes of Gallia Cispadana 
were, the Anamani, Boii, Lingones, Sendnes, tribes from Transalpine 
Gaul, who successively settled in different districts of the country. 
The Flaminian and JEmilian roads passing through it, gave their 
names to it in a subsequent period. 

Chief Towns. —Of the Anamani, Placentia, Piacenza: —of the Boii, 
Parma (between Placentia and Parma was a canal, called the Fossa 
^Emilia) ; Brixellum, Briscello; Mutina, Modena (where Brutus was 
besieged by Marc Antony) ; Regium LepTdi, Reggio; Bononia, 
Bologna: —of the Lingones, Forum Cornelii, Imola; Faventia, 
Faenza: —of the Senones, Ravenna Umbrdrum, Ravenna, the resi¬ 
dence of the exarchs and some of the emperors ; Forum Livii, 
Forli; Forum-popilii, Fori-impopoli. 

Rivers. —Trebia, Trebbia (famous for the first of Hannibal’s vic¬ 
tories over the Romans) ; Adria, Larcha; Rhenus Parvus, the Reno; 
Tarus, the Taro; Rubicon, the famous boundary of Italy and Gaul, 
now either Fiumesino , (not to be confounded witli the /Esis, Fium 
Esino,) which, with the Rugosa , meets the Pisatcllo near the shore, 
or, taking Pliny literally, next Arirainum, and the Marecchia , it will 
be the Luso. 


II. ITALIA PROPRIA. 

Italia Proper was bounded to the north by Gallia Cisalplna, and 
to the south by Magna Grsecia. It extended along the Mediterranean 
from the Macra to the Silarus, now Silaro; and on the Adriatic 
from Ancona to the Frento, now Fortore. 

The principal divisions of it were, Etruria, Umbria, Picenum, 
Sablnia, Latium, Samnium, Campania. 

I. Etruria, or Tuscia. —Called by the Greeks Tyrrhenia, was 
bounded by the Mare Inferum, the Apennines, the Macra, and the 
Tiber. It was divided into Tuscia-trans-Arnum, between the Macra 
and the Arno ; and Tuscia-cis-Arnum, between the Arno and the 
Tiber. 

The chief towns of Etruria-trans-Arnum were, Luna, Luca, Lucca; 
Pistoria, Pistoia. 

The principal people of this district were, the Apuani Ligurcs, and 
the Magelli. 

Tuscia-cis-Arnum -was inhabited by twelve tribes, who took their 
names from their principal cities, and whose chiefs were named 
Lucumones. 

Chief Towns. —On the Arno were, Pisae, Pisa; Florentia,orFluentia, 
Florence , or Firenze; Arretium, Arezzo; Cortona and Pcrusia, Pe¬ 
rugia, were near Lacus Thrasymenus, the Lake of Perugia, where 
Flaminius was overthrown by Hannibal; Sena Jula, Siena; Yola- 
terrse, Volterra, noted for its Hot springs ; Herculis Liburni Portus, 
Leghorn, or Livorno; Vetulonii, from which the Romans borrowed 



























INTRODUCTION. 


4 

the badges of their magistrates ; Populonium, on a promontory of 
the same name, opposite the island Uva, now Elba ; Clusium, Chinsi , 
the seat of king Porsena ; Rusellie, Portus Herculis Cosani, Porto 
Ercole; Tarquinii, Tarclnna, from which the Tarquins took their 
name ; Vulsinii, Bolsena, on a lake of the same name ; Centum Celke, 
Civita Vecchia; Caere, Cer-veteri, the seat of Mezentius, the people of 
which (the Cerltes) possessed the rights of Roman citizens, except 
that of voting ; Veii, the people of which were called Veijentes, long 
a formidable rival to the Romans, and taken, after a ten years’ siege, 
by Camillus ; Falerii, the people of which were named Falisci, taken 
also by Camillus ; Fescennia, which gave its name to the Carmina 
Fescennlna ; Soracte, better known as the name of a mountain in its 
neighbourhood, sacred to Apollo. 

Rivers. —Arnus, the Arno: Auser, Serchio; Clusina Palus, Chiana 
Palude, which communicated with the Arnus, and also with the 
Tiber, by the river Clanis, Chiane; Caecina, or Cecinna, Cecina , at the 
mouth of which was the town Vada Volaterrana ; Umbro, Ombrone; 
Marta, which flow's from the Volsinian Lake ; Cremera, Baccano, 
which flow's into the Tiber, noted for the slaughter of the Fabii. 

II. Umbria. —Umbria w r as bounded towards the w'est by Tuscany; 
and on the other sides by the Rubicon, the Adriatic, the yEsis, Nar, 
and Tiber. 

It was divided by the Apennines into two parts. 

Of Umbria-trans-Apenninum, inhabited by the Volumbri, the chief 
towns were, ArimTnum, Rimini; Pisaurum, Pesaro ; Fanum Fortunee, I 
Fano ; Sena Gallica, Sinigaglia; Tifernum-on-Metaurus, S. Angelo 
in Vado; Forum Sempronii, Fossombrone, memorable for the defeat 
of Asdrubal; Urblnum, Urbino ; Camarlnum, Camerino. 

Of Umbria-cis-Apenninum, inhabited by the Olumbri, the chief 
tow'ns were, Tifemum Tiberinum, Citta di Gastello; Nuceria, Nocera ; 
Narnia, Narni; Spoletium, Spoleto ; Interamna, Terni; Ocriculum, 
Otricoli. 

Rivers. —Ariminus, Marecchia; Pisaurus, or Isaurus, Foglia; Me- 
taurus, Metaro ; yEsis, Fium Esino ; Nar, Neva or Neqra. 

III. Picenum. —Picenum lay to the south of Umbria. 

The inhabitants were called Picentes ; their principal town was 
Ancona, which has given the name of “ Marquisate of Ancona” to the 
greater part of the country. 

Their other towns were, Auximum, Osimo; Asciilum, Ascoli; 
Hadria, Atri, the chief town of a particular district belonging to the 
Prcetutii; Teate, Chieti; Aternum, Pescara (towns of the Maruclni); 
Amiternum, Amiterno, belonging to the Vestlni, the birth-place of 
Sallust. 

IV. Sabinia.— Sablnia, or the land of the Sablni, was bounded by 
the rivers Tiber, Nar, and Anio ; and was divided into two parts by 
the lake or river Velinus, Velino. 

The chief tow'ns were, Cures, Correse, whence the people of Rome 
were called Quirltes ; Reate, Rieti, near which Vespasian was born ; 




















INTRODUCTION. 5 

Nursin., Norsia; Nomentum, Crustumgrium, Fidenso ; Collatia, where 
Lucretia’s husband, Collatlnus, lived. 

Mountains. —Sacer, famous for the secessions of the Roman Com¬ 
mons ; Lucretilis, and Ustlca. 

Near Horace’s villa, in this country, was Fons Bandusim, which ho 
has celebrated. Besides the rivers already mentioned, here was 
Allia, Aja, famous for the defeat of the Romans by the Gauls under 
Brennus. 

V. Latium.— Latium was, under the kings, a small district, bounded 
chiefly by the Anio, the Tiber, the sea, and the Numlcius ; and 
answers to a part only of what is now called the Campagna di Roma. 
Under the consuls, in process of time, as the Roman arms proved 
successful, it comprehended the countries of the ASqui or iEquiculi, 
Hernici, Rutuli, Volsci, Aurunci, or AusSnes. Circeius Mons, and 
the river Liris, Garigliano, were, at different times, considered as its 
boundaries. The former was called Latium Antiquum ; and the 
other additional countries were called Latium Novum, or Adjec- 
titium. 

Chief Towns of Latium Vetus. —Roma, Home, long the mistress of 
the world, about twelve miles from the mouth of the Tiber, and built 
on seven hills, from which it was called Septicollis. The Palatine 
was the hill first built on : the others were, Ccelius, the Capitoline or 
Tarpeian, the Quirinal, or Monte Cavallo, the Viminal, EsquTline, 
and Aventine. The Janiculum, Vatican, and Collis Hortulorum, 
were afterwards included in the circuit of Rome. Of these hills, the 
Vatican is now the most famous ; the pope’s palace, called the Vati¬ 
can, St. Peter’s Church, and the Castle of St. Angelo, formerly 
Hadriani Moles, being situated on it. It was divided into fourteen 
regions or wards. It had seven great aqueducts, and thirteen 
smaller ones ; it is said to have been above twenty miles in circum¬ 
ference, and to have had thirty-seven gates, and six hundred and 
forty-four towers on the walls. It is difficult to ascertain the number 
of its ancient inhabitants ; they are supposed to have amounted to 
about four millions. 

Other chief Towns of Latium. —Ostia, Ostia, at the Tiber’s mouth 
(its harbour now dried up) ; LavTnium, Pratioa, or Pater no; Laurcn- 
tum, San Lorenzo; Ardea, the chief city of the Rutuli, and the 
retreat of Camillus during his exile; Lanuvium, Citta Lavinia; 
Arlcia, La Riccia, or I’Ariccia; Alba Longa, Palazzuolo (near the 
Alban Lake and Mount) ; Tusciilum, Frascati, near which was the 
small lake Regillus, famous for the defeat of the Latins by Posthu- 
mius the Dictator; Gabii; Prmneste, Palestrina; Tlbur, Tivoli , 
noted for the pleasantness of its situation, near which was the wood 
and fountain of Albunea. 

Chief Places or Towns of the AEqui , or AEquicoli. —Algidum, Osteria; 
Carseoli, Cdrsoli; Corbio ; Cliternum ; Trebia, or Treba, Trexi. 

Chief Towns of the Hernici. —Anagnia, Anagni; Ferentlnnm, Feren- 
tino; Alatrium, Alatri; Vertike, Veroli. 

b 3 









INTRODUCTION. 


G 


Chief Towns of the Volsci, who inhabited a considerable part of the 
Campagna di Roma, were Antium, Nettuno; Astura ; Circeii, said 
to have been the abode of Circe, near which was Circeium Prom., 
Monte Circcllo, opposite the island Pontia, Ponza; here also were the 
Grove of Feronia, on the river Ufens, and the Paludes Pomptinse, 
frequently, but in vain, attempted to be drained. To the east of the 
Ufens, Anxur, or Terracina, Terradno ; Forum Appii; Tres Taber nee, 
Cisterna; Ulubroe ; Suessa Pometia ; Cora; Norba ; Sulmo.—To¬ 
wards the Liris they had several cities, Sora ; Arpinum, Arpino (the 
birth-place of Marius and Cicero) ; Fregellee ; Interamna. 

The Aurunci, or Ausones, once possessed the coast of Italy from 
Circeium to the Straits of Sicily. The Montes Massici, beyond the 
Liris, became afterwards their southern boundary. 

Chief Towns. —Amyckc ; Fundi, Fondi, near which was the Lacus 
Fundanus, and about it the Csecubus Ager, famous for its wine ; 
Ausona, Sonnino; Cai'eta, Ga'cta; Formiae, Molci; Formianum, 
Cicero’s villa, where lie was assassinated ; Minturnae, near the mouth 
of the Liris, in the marshes of which Marius concealed himself ; 
Sinuessa, or Sinope, Mondragone, the last town of Latium Novum, 
towards Campania; and Suessa Aurunca, Sessa, in the Campagnia 
itself. 

Rivers. —Tiberis, or Tybris, Tivere, or Tiber, more anciently the 
Albiila, which receives the Anio, Tever one, the Allia, Cremera, Nai*, 
Clanis, and Clitumnus, Maroggia, famous for its milk-white herds; 
Aqua Crabra, or Tusculana, Marana; NumTcius, Nemi, or Numico ; 
Astura, Stum ; Ufens, Aufento; Liris, Garigliano, which receives the 
Trerus, Sacco, or Tolero; Cosa ,Piscia; Fibrenus, the Fibreno; Melis, 
Melfa, &c. 

VI. Samnium. —Samnium extended from Picenum and Sablnia to 
Apulia, and from Latium and Campania to the Adriatic, correspond¬ 
ing much with what is now called the Abruzzo. The people, besides 
their name of Samnltes, were also called Sabelli, being sprung from 
the Sabini. 

Their principal tribes were the Peligni, whose chief towns were, 
Corfinium, San Perino ; Sulmo, Sulmona, the birth-place of Ovid : 
the Marsi, whose chief towns were, Alba, Fucentia, Alba, on the lake 
Fuciuus, now Fucino, or Celano; Marrubium, Morea. Both of these 
tribes were inland. 


On the Upper Sea were the Frentani, whose chief towns were, 
Ortona, Ortona: Anxanum, VAnciano; Ilistonium, Vasto d’Amone; 
Buca, Ttrmoli; Larinum, Larino. 

Rivers. —Sagrus, Sangro; Trinius, Trigno; Tifernus, Tiferno; 
Frento, Fortore. 

VII. Samnium. —The country of the Samnites, properly so called, 
lay inland, to the west of the Frentani. 

Their towns were, Aundena , Alfidena; /Esernia, Isernia; Bene- 
vontum, or Maleventum, Benevento; Triventum, Trivento; Bovianum, 
Boiano; Caudium, near which are the Furcse Caudlnae, famous for 


- 








INTRODUCTION. 


7 

the disgrace the Romans sustained from the Samnites, under their 
general Pontius; A 111 he, Alife; Telesia, Telese. 

Their rivers, Sabatus, Sabato , which receives Calor, Calore , and 
Tamarus, Tamar o, and runs into the Vulturnus, Volturno. 

The HirpTni, a Samnite people, dwelt to the south of Samnium, in 
the country now called the Further Principality. 

Chief Towns. —Abelllnuni, Arellino; Equus TutTcus, Ariano; 
Huffrium, lluto; Trivicum, Trevico ; Compsa, Conza. 

Rivers. —Aufidi Foils, the head of the Ofanto ; Amsancti Lacus, a 
stinking lake, now called Mufiti, from Mephitis, the goddess of stench, 
who had a temple there. The exhalations of it were so unwhole¬ 
some, that the poets feigned it to be sceti spiraciila Ditis. 

VIII. Campania, famous for the richness of its soil, now the chief 
part of the Terra di Lavoro. 

It extended in length from Latium toLucania; was bounded in 
breadth by the Tuscan Sea and Samnium; and was inhabited by the 
Campani and Picentini. 

Chief Towns of the Campani. —Vulturnum, Voltorno , on a river of 
the same name ; Liternum, Torre di Patria, where Scipio Africanus 
died. Capua stood some miles from the place which now bears its 
name : its consequence was transferred to Neapolis, or Parthenope, 
Naples; Cunite, near which was the Sibyl’s grotto ; Puteftli, Pozzuoli, 
the port of Cunite, near which was Cicero’s Academia, and also 
Campi Phlegreei, or burning plains ; Bairn, famous for its baths and 
the pleasantness of its situation ; Misenum, a promontory and town, 
which was the station of a Roman fleet; Herculaneum, Torre del 
Greco , which, as well as Pompeii, Scafati, was overwhelmed by an 
eruption of Vesuvius, in Nero’s time; Surrentum, Sorrento , near 
Minervae Promontorium , della Campanella; also, opposite the island 
Caprece, Capri, the infamous retreat of Tiberius; and Sirenuste, or 
Sirenum Scopuli, the Islands of the Sirens. 

Near Cape Misenum, Miseno, so called from Misenus, trumpeter to 
Hector and yEneas, were the islands Prochyte, Procida, and Inarime, 
Ischia, supposed to have been rent asunder by an earthquake. 

Inland Towns. —Teanum, Teano, to the north of which, towards 
Sinuessa, were the famous Massic and Falernian vineyards ; Suessa 
Aurunca, Sessa; Venafrum, Venafro; Nola, where Marcellus repulsed 
Hannibal; Suessula, Castel di Sesso/a, famous for its oil; Acerne, 
Accria ; Nuceria, Nocera; and Rufrie, Rofrano. 

Rivers, Lakes, fyc. —FI. Vulturnus, Volturno; Liternus, or Clanius, 
Lagni, or Clanio; Sebethus, Fornello, on which Naples stands; 
Sarnus, Sarno; Lacus Acherusius, della Colluccia; Avernus, Averno, 
a cave, near which was the fabulous descent to hell; Lucrlnus or 
Baianus, de Licola, once famous for its fish, but changed by an earth¬ 
quake into a marsh; these two last were thrown into one by 
Augustus ; Charoneie Scrobes, Grotto del Cane; Sinus Baianus, the 
Gulf of Pozzuoli, still celebrated for its agreeableness. 

Mountains. —Gaurus, Barbaro; Tifata, di Caserta; Massicus, or 













INTRODUCTION. 


8 

Falernus, Dragone; Vesuvius, Vesuvio, or di Sonima, the country 
about which was called Campus Phlegraeus. 

The Picentini, probably a colony from the Picentes, on the Adriatic, 
occupied a part of the Hither Principality. 

Chief Tenons. —Salcrnum, Salerno; Picentia, Vicenza, on Pcestanus 
Sinus, the Gulf of Salerno. 

III. MAGNA GRiECIA. 

Magna Gracia, though it might be made to include Campania, and 
much of the west coast of Italy, on account of the various Greek 
colonies there settled, yet is commonly understood to mean Apulia 
and CEnotria. 

I. Apulia. —Apulia was divided into Daunia, Peucetia, and 
Messapia. 

1. Apulia Daunia, part of the Capitanata, lay between the rivers 
Frento, Fort ore, and Aufidus, Ofanto , and was divided by Cerbalus, 
the Cermro. 

Mons Garganus, or St. Angelo, is on the peninsula which here 
advances into the Adriatic, as the spur of the boot, to which the 
shape of Italy has been compared. 

Chief Towns. —Teanum Apulum, Team; Hyrium, Rodia; Arpi, 
built by Daunus, fathef-in-law to Diomedes, who gave his name to 
the country now Arpe; Sipuntum, Siponto ; Uria, Manfredonia, 
which gave name to Urias Sinus, the Gulf of Manfredonia; Luceria, 
Lucera; Asculum Apulum, Ascoli, famous for the defeat of Pyrrhus 
by Dentatus and Fabricius ; Salapia, Salpi, near which was the Palus 
SalapTuus, Lago Salso. 

2. Apulia Peucetia, Terra di Bari, and part of the Capitanata, 
extended from the Auf idus to Brundusium, The ridge of the Apen¬ 
nines which passes through this country was called Vultur Mons. 

Chief Towns. —Canusium, Canosa, near which was the village of 
Cannae, famous for the overthrow of the Romans by Hannibal; 
Barduli, Barletta; Turenum, Trani; Egnatia, Torre d’Anazzo; 
Barium, Bari; Rubi, Ruto; Acherontia, Acerenza; Venusia, Venosa, 
the birth-place of Horace, near which was Bantia, Banti, and 
Ferentum, Forenza. 

3. Messapia, Calabria, or Japygia. These names were sometimes 
applied to different parts of the south-east peninsula of Italy, though, 
for the most part, common names to the whole of it; now Terra 
d’Otranto. 

Chief Towns. —Brundusium, Brindisi (from which the passage was 
usually taken to Dyrrachium in Illyncum, by those who were travel¬ 
ling to Greece; and opposite to it was a small island, called Pharos, 
from the similarity of its use to the Pharos of Alexandria); Valetium 
or Aletium, Zezo or Lecce; Zupue, T.diS. Castcddo; Rudiie, Ruia, 
the birth-place of Ennius; Hydrus, or Hydruntum, Otranto, from 







INTRODUCTION. 


9 

which there was a passage, still shorter than that of Dyrrachium, to 
Apollonia, or OrTcum, in Epirus; Castrum Minervae, Castro; Yeretum, 
Alessano , not far from which was Prom. Salentinum, or Japygium, 
Capo di Leuca; Callipolis, Gallipoli; Uxentum, Ugento ; Neritum, 
Nardo; Tarentum, Toronto, where Phalantus, the Lacedaemonian, 
planted his colony, and from which the adjoining gulf takes its name ; 
near which was Mons Aulon, famous for its vines ; and the rivers 
Galesus, Galeso ; Taras, Tara. 

The people who inhabited this coast to the west of the Apennine, 
were called Salentlni, and Messapii. 

II. CEnotria. —(Enotria was divided into two parts, inhabited by 
the Lucani and Bruttii. 

1. Lucania was, towards the Lower Sea, divided from the Picentini 
by Silarus, the Solo or Silaro ; and from the Bruttii by Laiis, the 
Lao. On the Tarentine Gulf it extended from Bradanus, the Bra- 
dano, to Thurii and the river Sybaris. It contained a part of the 
Hither Principality; the Hither Calabria, and Basilicata. 

Chief Toicns, §c. —Posidonia, or Psestum, Pesti, now famous for 
its ruins, stood on the Gulf Paestanus, of Salerno; Yelia, or Elea, 
near Pisciotta, on the Bay Eleates, opposite the Insulae (Enotrides 
or Pontiac, including Ischia, Pandataria, and Pontia, Ponzd; Pali- 
nurum Prom, (which took its name from ^Eneas’ pilot), Cape Pali- 
nuro; Pyxus, or Buxentum, Policastro , stood on Sinus Laiis, the 
Gulf of Policastro. 

Toicns on the Tarentine Gulf. —Abelllnum Marsicum, Avellino; 
Metapontum, Torre a Mare , where Pythagoras taught; Ileraclea, 
Policoro; Sybaris, infamous for its luxury ; on the ruins of it, when 
destroyed by the people of Crotona, was founded Thurii, the birth¬ 
place of Charondas the legislator, and for some time the residence of 
HerodStus and Lysias. 

Piters. —Siris, Sinno ; AcTris, Agri. 

2. The Bruttii inhabited what is now called the Hither and Further 
Calabria. 

Their country is the foot, or south-west peninsula, of Italy; being 
bounded to the north by the rivers Laiis and Sybaris. 

The were divided into the Cismontani or Rheglni; and the Trans- 
montani, Locri, or Crotoniatae. 

The chief towns of the Bruttii Cismontani were, Cerillae, Cirella; 
Pandosia, Mendicino; Consentia, Cosenza (not far from which was 
the branch of the Apennine called Clibanus) ; Tropsea, Tropea; 
Metaurum, Gioja , on a river of the same name; Vibo, Valentia, or 
Hipponium, (either Monteleone, or) Maida, where, in the last Avar, 
the English first met and beat the French, on the Sinus Terinaeus 
and Vibonensis, the Gulf of St. Eufemia; Mamertum, Oppido; Scyl- 
leeum, Sciglio (on that promontory, which gave rise to the fable of 
Scylla and her dogs, opposite Charybdis and Pelorum) ; Posidonium, 
Colonna; Rhegium, Reggio, near which was LeucSpetra, Capo deW 
Armi, the west point of the south foreland. 









10 


INTRODUCTION. 


The chief towns of the Bruttii Locri were, Ruscianum, Rossano; 
PetTlia, Strongoli; Croton or Crotona, Cortrone , the city of Milo, the 
famous athlete; near it were, Lacinium, called from the ruins of a 
temple of Juno, C. di Nao, or delle Colonne , forming with delll Cimiti 
(or S. Maria ) and Rizzuto, in a south-south-westward line, the Three 
Capes of the Iapyges, before which lay Calypso’s Isle, Ortygia; Castra 
Hannibalis, Castelli; Scyllacium, Squillace, on the bay of the same; 
Aulon, or Caulon, Castro-Vetere; and, on the bay which took its 
name, their capital, the city of their lawgiver, Zaleucus, called Locri, 
now Gerace or Gvrazzo , and surnamed, like them, Epi-zephyrii, being 
seated on the south-east foreland of the Apennines, Zephyrium, of 
which the southmost is Cape Spartivento , and the east Cape di 
Bruzza. 

The emperors, at various times, new-measured and divided Italy; 
Augustus into eleven regions, Antoninus into sixteen provinces, and 
ConstantTnus into ten. 

The several highways took their names chiefly from the persons 
who constructed them. They were measured by miles, marked on 
pillars or stones, reckoning from the Milliarium Aureum, a gilt pillar 
erected in the forum by Augustus. “ Diverticula ” were cross-roads, 
or byways, leading from the main road. 

The principal highways were, Via Appia, leading from Porta 
Capena, through Latium, to Capua; and thence, in two branches, to 
Brundusium. 

Flaminia north-eastward, through Etruria and Umbria, to the 
Adriatic, at Arrarinum, whence, joined by the iEuiilia, it passed into 
Cisalpine Gaul. 

The chief intermediate roads were, the Valeria and Salaria; the 
former leading to Corfmium and Aternum, the latter to Reate and 
Ancona. 

Via Aurelia ran along the sea-coast of Etruria, Liguria, and the 
province of Gaul. Near Luna it was joined by Via Cassia, which 
passed through the middle of Etruria. It was also in its course 
joined by Via Claudia, a branch of the Cassia. 

Some of the roads also took their names from the places to which 
they led; as, the Nomentana, Prsenestlna, Ostiensis. 





























INTRODUCTION. 


11 

SECTION II. 

A BRIEF OUTLINE OF ROMAN HISTORY 1 . 

I. 

The city of the seven hills, Rome, mistress of the world, is said to 
have derived her origin under the following circumstances:—After 

1 That what is called the history of the kings and early consuls of Rome 
is to a great extent fabulous, few scholars have since the time of Beaufort 
ventured to deny. It is certain that more than Bb'O years after the date 
ordinarily assigned for the foundation of the city, the public records were, 
with scarcely an exception, destroyed by the Gauls. It is certain that the 
oldest annals of the Commonwealth were compiled more than a century 
and a half after the destruction of the records. It is certain, therefore, that 
the great Latin writers of the Augustan age did not possess those materials 
without which a trustworthy account of the infancy of the Republic could 
not possibly be framed. Those writers own, indeed, that the chronicles to 
which they had access were filled with battles that were never fought, and 
consuls that were never inaugurated. And we have abundant proof that 
in these chronicles, events of the greatest importance, such as the issue of 
the war with Porsenna, and the issue of the war with Brennus, were grossly 
misrepresented. Under these circumstances a wise man will look with 
great suspicion on the legend which has come down to us. He will per¬ 
haps be inclined to regard the princes who are said to have founded the 
civil and religious institutions of Rome, the son of Mars, and the husband 
of Egeria, as mere mythological personages, of the same class with Perseus 
and Ixion. As he draws nearer and nearer to the confines of authentic 
history, he will become less and less hard of belief. He will admit that 
the most important parts of the narrative have some foundation in truth. 
But he will distrust almost all the details, not only because they seldom 
rest on any solid evidence, but also because he will constantly detect in 
them, even when they are within the limits of physical possibility, that 
peculiar character, more easily understood than defined, which distinguishes 
the creations of the imagination from the realities of the world in which we 
live. The early history of Rome is, indeed, far more poetical than .any¬ 
thing else in Latin literature. The loves of the vestal and the god of war ; 
the cradle laid among the reeds of the Tiber; the fig-tree ; the she-wolf; 
the shepherd’s cabin; the recognition ; the fratricide; the rape of the 
Sabines; the death ofTarpeia; the fall of Ilostus Hostilius ; the struggle 
of Mettus Curtins through the marsh; the women rushing with torn 
raiment and dishevelled hair between their fathers and their husbands ; the 
nightly meetings of Numa and the nymph by the well in the sacred grove; 
the fight of the three Romans and the three Albans; the purchase of the 
Sibylline books; the crime of Tullia; the simulated madness of Brutus; 
the ambiguous reply of the Delphian oracle to the Tarquins; the wrongs of 
Lucretia; the heroic actions of Horatius Codes ; of Screvola and of Cloulia ; 
the battle of Regillus won by the aid of Castor and Pollux ; the defence of 
Cremera; the touching story of Coriolanus ; the still more touching story of 
Virginia; the wild legend about the draining of the Alban lake; the corn- 

























12 INTRODUCTION. 

the destruction of Troy, /Eneas, son of Venus and Ancliises, with¬ 
drew to Italy, where he married Lavinia, daughter of Latinus, king 
of the country. He built a city in honour of his wife, which he called 
Lavinium. Upon the death of /Eneas, his son Ascanius built another 
city on Mount Albanus, which from its situation was named Alba 
Longa. From the kings of Alba were descended Romulus and 
Remus, the founders of the Roman empire. They were the reputed 
sons of Rhea Sylvia, daughter of Numitor, the last king of Alba. 
The god Mars was their supposed father. Upon the birth of these 
infants, they were exposed by Amulius, the brother of Numitor and 
his competitor for the throne, in the Tiber. They were, however, 
rescued from the fate designed for them by Faustulus, the king’s 
shepherd, who, ignorant of the circumstances, took them to his home, 
and reared them as his own children. There is a fable that they 
were miraculously nourished by a she-wolf. Be this as it may, 
when they arrived at manhood, and became acquainted with the 
circumstances of their birth, they succeeded in deposing Amulius, who 
had usurped the throne of Alba, and restored to his rightful pos¬ 
session their grandfather Numitor. At the same time, they resolved 
upon founding a city for themselves; but as a preliminary measure, 

bat between Valerius Corvus and the gigantic Gaul; are among the many 
instances which will at once suggest themselves to every reader. In the 
narrative of Livy, who was a man of fine imagination, these stories retain 
much of their genuine character; nor could even the tasteless Dionysius 
distort and mutilate them into mere prose. The poetry shines in spite of 
him through the dreary pedantry of his eleven books. It is discernible in the 
most tedious and the most superficial of modem works on the early times 
of Rome. It enlivens the dulness of the Universal History, and gives a charm 
to the most meagre abridgments of Goldsmith. Even in the age of Plu- 
; tarch there were discerning men who rejected the popular account of the 
foundation of Rome, because that account appeared to them to have the air, 
not of a history, but of a romance or drama. Plutarch, who was displeased 
at their incredulity, had nothing better to say in reply to their arguments 
than that chance sometimes turns poet, and produces trains of events not 
to be distinguished from the most elaborate plots which are constructed by 
art. But though the existence of a poetical element in the early history of 
the great city was detected so many ages ago, the first critic who distinctly 
saw from what source that poetical element had been derived was James 
Perizonius, one of the most acute and learned antiquaries of the seventeenth 
century. His theory, which in his own days attracted but little or no 
notice, was revived in the present generation by Niebuhr, a man who would 
have been the first writer of his time, if his talent for communicating truths 
had borne any proportion to his talent for investigating them. It has been 
adopted by several eminent scholars of our own country, particularly by the 
; Bishop of St. David’s, by Professor Malden, and by the lamented Arnold. 
It appears to be now generally received by persons conversant with classical 
antiquity; and indeed it rests upon such strong proofs, both internal and 
external, that it will not be easily subverted. (See Macaulay's Lays of 
Ancient Rome , p. 1.) 

























INTRODUCTION. 


13 

as was usual in tliose early times, they had recourse to augury, as a 
means by which they might ascertain the will of the gods as to the 
site upon which it should be built. Remus seated himself upon the 
hill Aventine, where he saw six vultures; Romulus placed himself 
on the Palatine hill, where he saw twelve. This decided the point. 
Here the new city was commenced, as upon a spot favoured by 
Heaven. A quarrel, arising from jealousy or some other cause, 
soon sprung up between the brothers. Remus ridiculed the lowness of 
the wall which encircled the new city by jumping over it, and was 
hilled. Romulus was thus left alone, and gave his own name to the 
infant city, consecrating it to the god Mars. But it wanted inha¬ 
bitants ; and to remedy this, an asylum was offered to all who would 
resort thither. The discontented of other countries, fugitives, and 
criminals, accepted the invitation ; and thus was originally peopled the j 
afterwards mighty Roman Empire: such were the ancestors of the 
conquerors of the world. Upon the increase of inhabitants, the ■ 
first care of Romulus was to institute a form of government. He 
appointed an assembly, or senate, of one hundred persons, whom he 
named patres, or fathers, and these patricians and their descendants 
were the first of the Roman nobility. To them were committed the 
administration of justice, and the regulation of all matters relative to 
religion. The people generally were called plebs, or plebeians. They 
had many privileges assigned to them, and among these a voice in 
the election of the magistrates, and even of the sovereign himself. 
The final decision, however, in such matters rested with the senate. 
Romulus now found himself in difficulty as to how to procure wives 
for his subjects ; the neighbouring states, to whom applications were 
made, refused to join the new colonists. At length, however, he 
effected by stratagem what he could not procure by entreaty. He 
appointed public games in the city in honour of Neptune, to which 
the neighbouring nations were invited. Some accepted the invitation 
thus offered, and among these the Sabines, who brought with them 
their wives and children. While they were intent upon the games, 
the Romans bore away their young women, to the number of 700. 
A war was the result of this act of outrage, which was eventually 
stopped by the intercession of the Sabine women themselves; and 
the two nations united under the joint government of their respective 
kings, Romulus and Tatius, who reigned together in perfect harmony 
for about five years, when Tatius died at Lavinium, or, as some sup¬ 
pose, was murdered at the instigation of Romulus. This prince was 
again sole monarch of Rome. He gained many conquests, and in¬ 
troduced many customs; after which he mysteriously disappeared, 
and was numbered by his people among the Roman deities. 

After an interregnum of a year, occasioned by a dispute as to which 
nation should nominate a successor, Numa Pompilius was appointed 
by the Romans to the government, the Sabines having yielded their 
claim to the right of election. This prince did not possess the 
military abilities of his predecessor, but was highly esteemed for his 

c 















INTRODUCTION. 


14 

probity and civil virtues. He provided a proper check for the war¬ 
like ardour of the new state, by inspiring the people with a respect for 
the laws and revert nee for the gods. He died the subject of universal 
regret, after a reign of forty-three years. 

TuUus Hostilius was the third king of Rome, A.u.c. 82. He was 
bold, enterprising, and warlike. Having a large patrimony of his 
own, he was liberal in its expenditure, and by his liberality gained 
the affections of his subjects. He made war with the people of 
Alba, who had committed some depredations on the Roman territory. 
When both parties took the field it was agreed that the contest 
should be decided by three combatants chosen from each. The 
Romans chose three brothers named Horatii; the Albans three 
brothers named Curiatii. The latter were soon wounded, and two 
of the former were killed. The surviving Horatius, seeing it impos¬ 
sible to overcome his three antagonists, pretended to fly; they pur¬ 
sued him as well as their wounds would permit, but, separating their 
strength, he gained an easy conquest. After this, the authority of 
Tullus was soon acknowledged at Alba; but Suffetius, grieved at the 
subjugated condition of his country, resolved, if possible, to regain 
her liberty. The perfidy which he practised in order to accomplish 
this did not succeed. The Fidenates and Veientes whom he had in¬ 
stigated to take the field against the Romans, were entirely defeated, 
and he himself seized and torn to pieces by horses. The city of 
Alba was razed to the ground, and its inhabitants removed to Mount 
Coelius. The other Latin towns refusing to submit to the authority 
of Rome, Tullus commenced a war against them, which, however, 
he did not pursue with vigour. Having reigned thirty-one years, he 
died of a lingering disorder. Some relate that he and his whole 
family were destroyed by lightning. 

Ancus Martins next succeeded to the throne, a.u.c. 114. He was 
grandson of Numa by his mother’s side. The early part of his reign 
lie devoted to religion and agriculture. He continued the war with 
the Latins which his predecessor had commenced, and eventually 
succeeded in bowing them to the Roman yoke. The number of in¬ 
habitants in the city of Rome greatly increasing, it was necessary to 
enlarge it, which he did by taking in the Mount Aventine. He also 
surrounded the outer Avails by a large ditch, and fortified the hill 
Janieulum on the opposite shore, and united it to the city by a 
Avooden bridge across the Tiber, at the month of which river, at a 
place called Ostia, about ten miles from Rome, he established a port. 
He gained victories over the Yolsci, Veientes, and other people, and 
spent the latter days of his life in enriching his subjects and improv¬ 
ing the city. He died in the twenty-fourth year of his reign, leaving- 
two sons, minors, whom he committed to the guardianship of L. 
Tarquinius. 

Tarquinius Prisons Avas the fifth king of Rome. He was an 
Etrurian by birth, but coming to Romo in the reign of Ancus, he 
greatly distinguished himself, and Avas deemed Avorthy to be his sue- 

















INTRODUCTION. 15 

cessor. His eloquence enlisted the people in his favour; and to 
reward them for services rendered, when he ascended the throne he 
created a hundred new senators from the plebeians, thus increasing 
the number to 300, which number continued for many ages. lie 
renewed the war Avith the Latins; and in order to intimidate the 
neighbouring states, treated them, when conquered, with severity. 
The Latins, Etrurians, and some of the Sabine towns, entered into a 
league against him ; but his arms were victorious. Rome decreed to 
him a triumph, which, if not the first, was the most magnificent 
the city had seen, and was the model for those which followed. He 
greatly adorned the city by the erection of beautiful and stately 
buildings. He partially rebuilt the forum, enlarged the circus, 
drained the soil, and gave rich and costly habits to the augurs and 
heralds. When he had reigned thirty-eight years, he was assassinated 
by means of the sons of A ncus. 

His successor was Servius Tullus a.u.c. 175. He was the son of 
a captive Avliom Tarquinius and Tanaquil, his queen, had brought 
up. He possessed extraordinary merit and high abilities, by means 
of which he obtained a seat in the senate. He subsequently married 
the daughter of his royal patron, Avhose affairs, both of peace and 
of Avar, at home and abroad, he conducted Avith so much integrity 
and discretion, that upon his father-in-law’s death, the people nomi¬ 
nated him to the government. The senate at first refused to ratify 
the election on account of informality, but at length consented to it. 
Servius instituted the general census, divided the people into classes, 
and these again into centuries. He made many great alterations in 
the government, divided the Avhole Roman dominions into twenty-six 
parts or tribes, and these again into several pagi or districts. At the 
first census which he caused to be made, Rome numbered among her 
free citizens 84,700. This increase of inhabitants made a regular 
circulation of money necessary. Servius coined it, and impressed 
upon it the image of a sheep, hence called pecunia. The Avar with 
the Latins continued for some time, but a peace was at length con¬ 
cluded. The husband of his daughter Tullia caused him to be assas¬ 
sinated, and the inhuman daughter drove her chariot Avheels over the 
mangled body of her father. 

Tarquinius, surnamed Superbus, or the proud, took possession of his 
murdered predecessor’s throne, without even the formality of an 
election, a.u.c. 220. The senate and the people Avere alike treated 
Avith contempt. Cruelty and injustice Avere the characteristics of his 
reign; but it must be allowed that, notwithstanding this, the city 
oAved much to the liberality of his expenditure and the magnificence 
of his designs. The glorious capitol was reared under his personal 
superintendence. Time, however, Avas working his ruin. His son 
Sextus offered violence to the person of Lucretia, Avife of Collatinus, 
a senator, who Avas absent Avith the army in Latium, about sixteen 
miles from Rome. The ill-used matron having called upon her 
countrymen to avenge her wrong, plunged a dagger into her bosom 

C 2 








INTRODUCTION. 


16 

and expired. Lucius Brutus, whose father had causelessly been put 
to death by Tarquinius, and who up to this time had feigned madness 
himself, in order to avoid a similar fate, seized the bloody dagger, 
and exclaimed, “ Yes, Lucretia ; I swear to take revenge for the 
injury done to thee: and I call ye to witness, all-powerful gods, that 
I will expose my life and the last drop of my blood to exterminate 
the Tarquins, and to hinder any of that family or any other man 
from reigning more in Rome.” The bloody dagger was received by 
the assembled people, who bound themselves by the same oath. The 
decree of banishment was accordingly passed, and the city which had 
been the scene of Tarquin’s pride and grandeur, shut for ever her 
gates against him. He fell by the hands of the Gabii, among whom 
he resided after his banishment for some years. This mighty revo¬ 
lution in the Roman state took place b.c. .508, a.u.c. 245. Speaking 
of Rome under her kings, Cicero remarks :—“ When we consider at 
one view the increase of this infant state, which under the shadow of 
a monarchical but limited government, grew insensibly to a degree 
of maturity and strength by wise regulations and wholesome laws; 
the aruspices and religious assemblies, the power of the people owned 
and revered, the august assembly of the senate looked upon as the 
great council of the nation, the military discipline and martial 
courage carried to a surprising height; all the parts of the common¬ 
wealth appear in so permanent and settled a state, as to seem almost 
entirely perfect; and yet this same commonwealth, after shaking off 
the regal yoke and obtaining an extensive liberty, appeared still 
greatly different, and by a rapid progress rose to a perfection and 
excellence hardly to be conceived.” 


II. 

Upon the extinction of the monarchy, the government was vested in 
the hands of two magistrates named consuls, elected from the patri¬ 
cians. The first two chosen to fill this office were Brutus and Col- 
latinus, the husband of the injured Lucretia. Their first care was to 
increase the number of the senators. A solemn oath was taken by 
all, never to admit the Tarquins or any other king. The insignia of 
royalty, the purple robe, the curule chair, the lictors and the fasces, 
were retained. The people exulted in the change of affairs ; they 
now fancied themselves free. Tarquin, however, amid the general 
commotion, made one struggle to regain his throne. The conspiracy 
was detected, and among the conspirators were discovered to be two 
of the sons of Brutus. Their guilt being evident, the stern justice of 
the consul triumphed over the feelings of a father. He passed the 
decree for their execution. Collatinus resigned the consulship, and 
Valerius was immediately chosen in his place. A pardon was offered 
to those of Tarquinius’s adherents, who would return home within a 













INTRODUCTION. 


17 

given time. Finding his scheme unsuccessful, the banished king 
marched against Rome at the head of a large body of his Etrurian 
partizans. The consuls marched to oppose. At first Aruns, the 
son of Tarquin, and Brutus engaged in single combat. Both fell, and 
the Roman army gained the victory. The body of the noble Brutus 
was conveyed to Rome with much of pomp ; the highest honours were 
paid to his memory; Valerius pronounced his funeral oration in the | 
forum, and the women of his country mourned for him a year. 
Valerius was now left sole consul, and chose to continue so for a time, 
in order that he might without impediment adjust several matters 
which he deemed conducive to the well-being of the commonwealth. 
He effected his object, and so satisfactory to the people were his 
measures and conduct, that he obtained the name of Publicola. After j 
this, Lucretius was chosen his colleague, but dying a few days after 
his election, M. Horatius succeeded to the dignity, a.u.c. 215. A 
fresh census was now taken, and Rome’s free citizens amounted to 
130,000 in number. In the second year of the consulship of Pub¬ 
licola, Tarquin induced Porsenna, king of Clusium, to undertake his 
quarrel. This prince marched to Rome, besieged the city, and took 
the Janiculum. The Romans were thrown into great disorder and 
dismay, and the consuls were both wounded. It was upon this occa¬ 
sion that Horatius Codes 2 displayed his bravery. He kept off the 
enemy till his party were enabled to break down the bridge, then 
casting himself into the river covered with wounds, swam over into 
the city. A statue was erected to his memory. Porsenna main¬ 
tained the siege for some time, but in the following year he was 

2 There can be little doubt that among those parts of early Roman his¬ 
tory which had a poetical origin, was the legend of Horatius Codes. We 
have several versions of the story, and these versions differ from each other 
in points of no small importance. Polybius, there is reason to believe, 
heard the tale recited over the remains of some consul or praetor descended 
from the old Horatian patricians; for he evidently introduces it as a spe¬ 
cimen of the narratives with which the Romans were in the habit ot embel¬ 
lishing their funeral oratory. It is remarkable, that according to his 
description, Horatius defended the bridge alone, and perished in the waters. 
According to the chronicles which Livy and Dionysius followed, Horatius 
had two companions, swam safe to shore, and was loaded with honours and 
rewards. These discrepancies are easily explained; our own literature 
indeed will furnish an exact parallel to what may have taken place at Rome. 

It is highly probable that the memory of the war of Porsenna was preserved 
bv compositions much resembling the two ballads which stand first in the 
“‘Relics of Ancient English Poetry.” In both these ballads the English, 
commanded by the Percy, fight with the Scots commanded by the Douglas. 

In one of the ballads the Douglas is killed by a nameless English archer, 
and the Percy by a Scottish spearman; in the other the Percy slays the 
Douglas in single combat, and is himself made prisoner. In the former 
Sir Hugh Montgomery is shot through the heart by a Northumbrian bow¬ 
man ; in the latter he'is taken and exchanged for the Percy; yet both the 
ballads relate to the same event, and that an event which probably took 

c 3 










18 INTRODUCTION. 

beaten by Publicola, and 5000 of his men slain. The siege was now 
turned into a blockade, with a view to reduce the city by famine. 
Mucius, a young Roman, fired by patriotic feeling, resolved, single- 
handed, to attempt the life of Porsenna. He sought his camp in dis¬ 
guise, but by mistake stabbed the king’s secretary. He was imme¬ 
diately apprehended, but exhibiting the dauntless courage of a true 
Roman, lie so gained upon the affections of Porsenna, that he not 
only pardoned the attempt made upon his own life, but ultimately 
quitted the interest of Tarquin, and made peace with the Romans. 
Tlius ended the Etrurian war, five years after the expulsion of 
Tarquin, a.u.c. 247- Herminius and Lartius, who bravely supported 
Codes in the defence of the bridge, were this year elected consuls. 
The Sabines soon made an incursion into the Roman territories, but 
were repulsed by M. Valerius, brother of Publicola, who was honoured 
with a triumph. The following year the Sabines joined with the 
Etrurians against Rome, but with no better success. They were 
defeated by Publicola, to whom, on this account, a second triumph 
was granted. He died soon after, honoured and respected by his 
country. He was a great man. Posthumius and Menenius were the 
next consuls, a.u.c. 251. By their united efforts the Sabines, who 
again marched against Rome, were again defeated. The senate 
decreed a full triumph to Menenius 3 , but to Posthumius only an 

place within the memory of persons who were alive when both the ballads 
were made. One of the minstrels says— 

“ Old men that knowen the grounde well yenoughe 
Call it the battell of Otterburn : 

At Otterburn began this spurne 
Upon a monnyn day. 

There was the dougghte Doglas slean : 

The Perse never went away.” 

The other poet sums up the event in the folloAving lines :— 

“ Thys fraye bygan at Otterborne 
Bytwene the nyghte and the day: 

Ther the Douglas lost hys lyfe; 

And the Percy was lede away.” 

It is by no means unlikely that there were two old Roman lays about the 
defence of the bridge; and that while the story which Livy has transmitted 
to us was preferred by the multitude, the other, which ascribed the whole 
glory to Horatius alone, may have been the favourite of the Horatian 
house. Niebuhr's supposition, that each of the three defenders of the bridge 
was the representative of one of the three patrician tribes, is both ingenious 
and probable. (See Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome , p. 41.) 

3 The person who received the lesser triumph marched generally on foot, 
wearing only a garland or crown of myrtle, with the praetexta, or usual habit 
of the magistrates, and was attended by the senate only. The greater 
triumph was conducted with the utmost state and magnificence of the 









INTRODUCTION. 


19 


inferior triumph. This the Romans called an ovation, from ovis, a 
sheep, which was usually sacrificed on the smaller triumph, as an 
ox was on the greater, or full triumph. 

The following year witnessed the entire subjugation of the Sabines, 
under the consuls Cassius and Virginius, a.u.c. 252 ; also a fresh and 
somewhat formidable attempt on the part of Tarquin, to re-possess 
himself of the kingly power. The lower class of the people were un¬ 
willing to enlist unless they were first released from the burden of 
their debts by a decree of the senate. The senate were perplexed 
by this movement, and resolved upon the abolition, at least for a 
time, of the consular office, and the election of a particular magis¬ 
trate, invested with supreme and absolute power. Him they named 
dictator; Lartius Flavus, one of the consuls, was first chosen to this 
high office, about ten years after the creation of cousuls, a.u.c. 255. 


III. 

The ncw r dictator soon appeased the clamour of the discontented 
people. He appointed another officer, whom he called magistcr 

citizens. Whenever a general demanded a triumph, he was obliged to resign 
his command in the army, and to keep at a distance from Rome till the 
honour had been granted or refused him. He always wrote to the senate a detail 
of his conquests; and if allowed, and a triumph was decreed, the general, 
on the day appointed, crowned with laurel, made a speech to the people; 
after which the senators, preceded by the lower degrees of officers, began the 
march ; the spoils taken from the enemy followed; and the conquered cities 
and nations were represented in gold and silver and other metals, with the 
names of the places which the conqueror had subjected to the Roman empire. 
The priests assisted on this occasion, and led the oxen destined for the 
sacrifice, dressed with ribbons and garlands; these w'ere followed by chariots, 
whereon lay the crowns and other ensigns of honour, which the provinces 
presented to the conqueror to adorn his triumph. The captive monarchs 
and generals, in gold or silver chains, formed part of the procession; then 
followed the officers of the army, with the crowns or keys of the conquered 
cities. After this, preceded by his relatives and friends, came the conqueror, 
crowned with laurel, and seated on an ivory chariot, with an ivory sceptre 
and an eagle of gold in his hand. An officer usually stood behind him, 
and, lest he should be too much elated with this splendour, cried aloud, 
“Remember that thou art a mortal man!” Before and after his chariot 
u r ere carried perfumes and every kind of musical instruments. The march 
was closed by the generals and other officers of the army; and the Roman 
legions sung congratulatory songs in honour of the conqueror. The proces¬ 
sion began without the walls of Rome, by the Triumphal Gate, and passed 
through the city under many arches, erected and adorned in honour of the 
triumph, to the capitol. Here the conqueror offered a crowm and the opima 
spolia to Jupiter; then a sacrifice was offered to the god, and the conqueror 
w r as re-conducted with similar state to his palace. 












INTRODUCTION. 


20 

equitim, or master of the liorse, who had command over the horse¬ 
men as the dictator had over the people. A truce was concluded 
with the Etrurians for a year, at the expiration of which period they 
again, at the instigation of Tarquin and his sons, prepared for war, 
and marched to the very frontiers of the republic with an army of 
40,000 foot and 3000 horse. In this emergency the Romans ap¬ 
pointed Posthumius, one of their consuls, dictator, Lartius having 
resigned before the expiration of six months. He advanced with all 
speed to oppose this formidable army with a body of 24,000 foot and 
3000 horse. The battle was fought near the lake Regillus 4 , about 


4 The popular belief at Rome from an early period seems to have been, 
that the event of the great day of Regillus was decided by supernatural 
agency. Castor and Pollux, it was said, had fought armed and mounted at 
the head of the legions of the commonwealth, and had afterwards carried 
the news of the victory with incredible speed to the city. The well in the 
forum at which they had alighted was pointed out. Near the well rose 
their ancient temple. A great festival was kept to their honour on the Ides 
of Quintilis, supposed to be the anniversary of the battle; and on that day 
sumptuous sacrifices were offered to them at the public charge. One spot 
on the margin of lake Regillus was regarded during many ages with 
superstitious awe. A mark, resembling in shape a horse's hoof, was dis¬ 
cernible in the volcanic rock, and this mark was believed to have been 
made by one of the celestial chargers. How the legend originated cannot 
now be ascertained, but avc may easily imagine several' Avars in which it 
might have originated; nor is it at all necessary to suppose Avith Julius 
Frontinus that tAVO young men were dressed up by the dictator to personate 
the sons of Leda. It is probable that Livy is correct Avhen he says that the 
Roman general, in the hour of peril, vowed a temple to Castor. If so, 
nothing could be more natural than that the multitude should ascribe the 
victory to the favour of the tAvin gods. When such Avas the prevailing 
sentiment, any man that chose to declare that in the midst of the confusion 
and slaughter he had seen two godlike forms on Avhite horses scattering the 
Latins, Avould find ready credence. We know, indeed, that in modern 
times, a very similar story found credence among a people much more 
civilized than the Romans of the fifth century before Christ. A chaplain of 
Cortes, writing about thirty years after the conquest of Mexico, in an age of 
printing-presses, libraries, universities, scholars, logicians, jurists, and states¬ 
men, had the face to assert, that in one engagement against the Indians St. 
James had appeared upon a grey horse at the head of the Castilian adven¬ 
turers. Many of those adventurers Avere living when this lie Avas printed. 
One of them, honest Bernal Diaz, Avrote an account of the expedition. He 
had the evidence of his own senses against the chaplain’s legend, but ho 
seems to have distrusted even the evidence of his own senses. He says that 
he was in the battle, and that he saAv a grey horse with a man on its back but 
that the man Avas, to his thinking, Francesco de Morla, and not the ever- 
blessed Apostle St. James. “Nevertheless,” he adds, “ it may be that the 
person upon the grey horse Avas the glorious Apostle St. James, and that I, 
sinner as 1 am, Avas unworthy to see him.” The Romans of the a^e of 
Cincinnatus were probably quite as credulous as the Spanish subjects of 
Charles the Fifth. It is, therefore, conceivable, that the appearance of 








INTRODUCTION. 


21 

fourteen miles from Rome. Both armies fought with great bravery, 
till at length the Romans gained a complete victory. The issue of 
this battle crushed the hopes of Tarquin. He did not long survive. 
He withdrew into Campania, and died at Cuma in the ninetieth year 
of his age, a.u.c. 257. The Latins sued for and obtained peace. The 
year following again witnessed the discontent of the people, arising 
out of the severity of the law respecting debtor and creditor. The 
result was the secession to the Mons Sacer, and the return effected 
by the well-known apologue of Menenius Agrippa. Tribunes were 
now elected, whose authority greatly limited that of the senate ; 
and in after-times it became so extravagantly great, that they 
assembled and dismissed the senate at pleasure, and entirely con¬ 
trolled the consuls. ^Ediles were also appointed, whose office it was 
to inspect the public buildings, regulate the markets, and the like. 
These measures having been adopted, tranquillity was again restored 
in the city; but the late commotions having caused an almost entire 
neglect of the tillage of the lands, the next year witnessed a grievous 
famine. The Romans were at this time at war with the Yolsci, 
whom, under the heroic conduct of C. Marius, they entirely subdued 
at Corioli, which city he entered and took; hence for his bravery 
named Coriolanus. He afterwards defeated the Antiates. The 
pressure of the famine was now severely felt: corn was sent for to 
Sicily and other places; but a dispute arose as to the mode of 
distribution. Coriolanus, incensed at the behaviour of the commons, 
advised the senators to deliver out the supply sparingly, to keep up 
the price, and wholly to suppress the tribuneship. His conduct drew 
upon him the indignation of the people ; a decree of perpetual banish¬ 
ment was passed against him ; and he accordingly withdrew to the 
Yolsci, the people whom he had so lately conquered. These he 
instigated to take arms against the Romans, himself acting as their 
general. The Romans were alarmed at his approach, and proposed 
terms, which were rejected by him. He was not far from the city, 
Avhen his wife and mother resolved upon using their influence in 
inducing him to withdraw his army. His feelings of hostility and 
desire of revenge were overpowered by those of the husband and 
child. He listened to their entreaties, and withdrew his troops, but 
was finally slain by the Volscians as a traitor to their cause, a.u.c. 
2G5. After this, hostilities were carried on against the iEqui, Her- 
nici, and Volsci, with various success, but mostly terminating favour¬ 
ably to the Romans. It was at this time that Cassius proposed such 
a division of the recently conquered lands as he thought calculated 
to secure to himself the favour of the people. The measure was 

Castor and Pollux may have become an article of faith before the generation 
which had fought at Regillus had passed away. Nor could anything be 
more natural than that the poets of the next age should embellish this story, 
and make the celestial horsemen bear the tidings of victory to Rome.—(See 
Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome , p. 84.) 




22 INTRODUCTION. 

opposed by the senate and the tribunes, and he himself accused of a 
design of usurping the sovereignty of Rome ; and notwithstanding 
he had been three times consul, and honoured with two triumphs for 
services rendered to his country, lie fell a victim to his ambition and 
love of liberty, and was condemned to be thrown headlong from the 
Tarpeian rock, a.u.c. 2G8. The death of Cassius was a stunning blow to 
his party, and for some time no mention was made of the agrarian law 
or the creation of decemviri. In order to divert the attention of the 
people, war was commenced against the Veientes and other neighbour¬ 
ing states, but with little advantage ; the dissensions between the 
patricians and tribunes for power interrupted frequently the general 
affairs of the commonwealth, and it was agreed at last that each 
party should nominate a consul. The family of the Fabii were at 
this time in high esteem at Rome, which esteem was inci’eased by 
their subsequent conduct. The Veientes and Etrurians marched 
against Rome, and had well-nigh taken it, but for the timely assist¬ 
ance rendered to Menenius by Fabius. 

To provide in future against similar incursions from the enemies of 
Rome, the family of the Fabii generously offered themselves as a 
guard to the frontiers of the state ; and Marcus Fabius, with his 
family and friends, to the number of 4000, fortified themselves in a 
castle on the river Cremera, bordering on the Veientes, from which 
they frequently annoyed those people. The Fabii, however, were 
eventually surprised and slaughtered by them. According to Livy, 
30G of their number fell into an ambuscade and were cut to pieces 
near this river, one alone of the whole family surviving, who on ac¬ 
count of his tender years had been left at Rome. He was the grand¬ 
father of Fabius Maximus. The Veientes taking advantage of the 
bad conduct of Menenius, entered the Roman territories and pos¬ 
sessed themselves of the hill Janiculum. The other consul, Hora- 
tius, withdrew his army from the Volsci, and overthrew the invaders 
in two separate battles, a.u.c. 27G. The war, however, continued for 
two years longer, when the Veientes, with their confederates the 
Sabines, were defeated, and a truce was concluded between the two 
states for forty years, after repeated contests for seven years past. 
Upon this settlement of peace abroad, new commotions arose at home 
concerning the agrarian law. All was confusion and opposition. The 
struggle for power, too, still continued, the tribunes claiming for the 
people an equality of power in the administration of affairs. It was 
now that Cincinnatus was called from his industrious and humble 
obscurity, as the fittest man to quiet the distracting tumults of the 
people. He succeeded admirably, and again retired to his peaceful 
cottage. The /Equi and the Volsci soon after revolted from their 
alliance with Rome, and the Roman army under M. Minutius was in 
the utmost danger. This threw the city into great consternation, 
and it was agreed to appoint a dictator. The election fell upon the 
same Cincinnatus, who was again called from his retirement, and 
again rendered efficient service to his country in this their emer- 












INTRODUCTION. 23 

gcncy, by entirely reducing the insurgent states, and causing them, 
in token of their servitude, to pass under the yoke, a.u.c. 29G. Ciu- 
cinnatus, loaded with honour, again withdrew to his humble home. 
This year the number of the tribunes was increased to ten. Rome 
for a time enjoyed internal peace, but the struggles between the 
patricians and tribunes revived again with increased animosity. The 
enemies without took advantage of these disputes at home and waged 
war against Rome. In this perplexed state of affairs it was resolved 
to abolish the consular dignity; for as Eutropius observes: “The 
consular government ceased, and instead of two consuls, ten officers 
or decemviri were appointed, who had the supreme power ; and the 
tribuneship was also suspended,” a.u.c. 302. A body of laws were 
now compiled for the better and more ready government of the 
people, and were placed on ten tables in the forum for public view. 
The tyrannical conduct, however, of Appius Claudius did not allow 
of the continuance of this state of things so auspiciously commenced. 
He, with his colleagues in office, strove to render themselves abso¬ 
lute. Rather than submit to this new species of tyranny, many 
families of distinction withdrew from Rome and went into voluntary 
exile. A climax was at hand. Rather than submit to the dishonour 
of his daughter, Virginias, a plebeian, then in the army against the 
yEqui, plunged a dagger in her yet innocent bosom. With this 
dagger yet reeking with her blood he ran frantically through the 
city, persuading the soldiers to revolt. Sympathizing with the dis¬ 
tracted father, they responded to the call, and withdrew to the 
Mount Aventine till the authority was taken from the decemviri and 
their persons condemned, a.u.c. 304. Upon this change Horatius 
and Valerius were made consuls, and for some years after little of 
consequence passed except the repeated contentions between the 
senate and the people. Ultimately, for the satisfaction of the con¬ 
tending parties, six military tribunes were chosen, three from the 
patricians and three from the commons ; but this alteration lasted 
only for eight weeks, when consuls were again elected, a.u.c. 310. 
Public business increasing, a new class of officers were created, 
named censors; their duties were to take the census of the people 
and overlook their moral behaviour. The next forty years from this 
period pi’esent but few circumstances of interest in Roman history. 
Wars with the Fidenates, Veientes, and Volsci, for the most part 
occupy the space. The year of Rome 357 saw the capture of the 
rich city of Veii, after a siege of many years. Here Furius Camillus 
appears upon the stage in all his glory and disgrace, the circum¬ 
stances of which are fully detailed in another part of this volume. 
The rising spirit of discontent was now checked by the opportune 
revolt of the Falisci, a people of Etruria ; but Rome was on the eve 
of encountering enemies of a far more formidable character than any 
she had hitherto encountered.. Accusing the Romans of a breach of 
international law, Brennus, with the Gauls, marched against them, 
bearing with him victory and slaughter. It was for the banished 



















INTRODUCTION. 


24 INTRODUCTION. 

Camillus to rescue his country from these successful invaders. He 
repulsed them, and again placed in the hands of his countrymen 
their once beautiful city, now one wide and universal ruin. This 
remarkable event took place a.u.c. 3G5. 


IV. 

Many of the Romans had withdrawn from Rome, that city being a 
heap of ruins ; the tribunes would have persuaded the residue of 
the people to abandon it entirely and retire to Yeii. In this they 
were strongly opposed by Camillus, under whose auspices the city 
was rebuilt; and in less than a year Rome rose from her ashes, and 
Camillus was regarded as her second founder. This noble Roman 
was now a third time made dictator, and reduced the Volsci ; again 
they revolted, and again were reduced by his bravery : he likewise 
engaged and defeated the Gauls at the Anio. The feuds at home 
still continued. A new officer, styled prcetor, was created out of the 
body of the patricians, and from the same body were elected two new 
(ediles, called cediles curules, from the ivory chair in which they sat in 
public. These were appointed to superintend and direct the public 
games and diversions, a.u.c. 388. The year following the plague 
raged at Rome, and Camillus fell a victim to the distemper. The 
highest honours were paid to his memory. The next year the ground 
in the forum opened. The augurs were consulted on this remark¬ 
able event, and made answer, “ That the gulph would not close unless 
the Romans threw what they had most valuable into it.” To appease 
the supposed anger of the gods, M. Curtius, a brave young Roman, 
voluntarily leaped into the yawning chasm and freed his country 
from this calamity. The Gauls still continued to harass the Romans ; 
and two years after the whole body of the Etrurians took up arms 
against Rome. Manlius Torquatus was upon this occasion made 
dictator, and effected peace. The Gauls again became troublesome, 
and offered a single combat, but they were overcome by M. Valerius ; 
and he, from the incident of a crow settling on his head, and with 
his beak and wings assisting him during the engagement, had the 
surname of Corvus given to him and his posterity, a.u.c. 404. The 
Arunci were afterwards subdued. By these repeated conquests the 
Romans possessed all Latium : viz. the Volsci, /Equi, Rutuli, Her- 
nici, and Arunci, together with great part of Etruria and Sabina ; 
insomuch that their extent of territory and possessions were double 
what they had when royalty was abolished, a.u.c. 409. 


V. 


Rome was now in the zenith of her strength and glory, but years 
passed away in fruitless wars with the Latins and the Sabines; 















INTRODUCTION. 


25 

eventually, however, all Latium was subdued, and the inhabitants of 
the different cities were granted peace on various conditions, a.u.c. 
415. Ships were first brought to Rome from Antium, a city of the 
Volsci ; the rostra or beaks of these ships were fixed by the Romans 
to the gallery of the forum, where the public orations were made, 
and from this circumstance it was named the rostra. The war with 
the Samnites was renewed, a.u.c. 432, when, by a stratagem disgrace¬ 
ful to that people, the Romans were worsted, and forced to submit to 
ignominious terms. They even submitted to pass under the yoke in 
token of submission. This the haughty Romans could not brook— 
confusion pervaded the city ; the consuls refused to appear in public, 
and the treaty was eventually broken, as having been extorted from 
them by cunning. The tide of fortune changed. The army con¬ 
ducted against the Samnites by Papirius the consul was completely 
victorious, and they were obliged in their turn to pass under the 
yoke. Fabius Maximus was the year after made dictator ; he con¬ 
ducted the war with great success, and considerably enlarged the 
Roman territories on that side of Italy. Fourteen years elapsed, 
when the former treaty was renewed between these contending states. 
No sooner, however, was this peace concluded, than the Romans 
turned their arms against the jEqui, who had taken part with the 
Samnites in the late quarrels. The Umbrians, a people north of 
Rome, joined with the Etrurians and Sabines against Rome at the 
same time, a.u.c. 450. This occasioned Valerius Corvus to be created 
dictator. Under his successful generalship the power of these na¬ 
tions was broken, and the Roman dominion widely extended. At a 
census taken a few years after this, the citizens of Rome were found 
to be 273,000. Six years elapsed after the ratification of the league 
with the Samnites, when that people in their turn thought proper to 
violate it. They were, however, punished for their temerity. They 
were conquered, first by the consuls Fabius Maximus and Decius 
Mus, and again by Fabius Gurges, when a truce was for the fourth 
time concluded. Many years now elapsed, and nothing remarkable 
occurred in the affairs of Rome. A new enemy at length sprung up 
in the Tarentini. These people inhabited a large and rich city of 
Italy, about 240 miles from Rome, and had plundered several of the 
Roman ships. This of course the Romans resented ; when the 
Tarentines, finding themselves unable to cope with them single- 
handed, applied for aid to Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, a.u.c. 473. This 
famous commander was of a generous and ambitious disposition ; he 
promised assistance to the Tarentines, and passed over into Italy 
with an army of 40,000 horse and foot, and twenty armed elephants. 
He first offered to the Roman consul and general, Lsevinus, to act as 
mediator between the Romans and Tarentines, but Laevinus made 
answer that the Romans neither desired his mediation nor feared his 
power ; he then conducted the messengers through the camp, and 
bade them tell their master what they had seen. The armies met 
upon the plains of Heraclea, where a general engagement ensued. 











26 INTRODUCTION. 

Pyrrhus behaved with great bravery and resolution, and the Romans 
were routed, and besides a great slaughter, 16,000 were taken 
prisoners. Pyrrhus afterwards marched towards Rome, advanced 
as far as Praeneste, and laid waste all before him. He behaved, 
however, with great nobleness, and proposed honourable terms of 
peace. His proposal was treated with scorn by the haughty Romans, 
and the war was continued. Again they engaged, near Asculum, a 
city of Apulia. The Romans were beaten ; and Pyrrhus sustained 
such loss that he declared, “ If he gained such another victory he 
was undone.” The contending nations behaved with great gene¬ 
rosity towards each other, but no peace or truce between them was 
effected. In a future battle near Beneventum the noble Pyrrhus 
was utterly defeated by the Romans, with the loss of 33,000 men. 
After this defeat lie retired to Epirus, and died soon after, at Argos, 
in the Peloponnesus. At this time, a.u.c. 484, Ptolemy, king of 
Egypt, sued for an alliance with Rome. The war with the Samnites 
was at an end : the Salentini, Umbri, and Lucanii were subdued. 
The power, extent of territory, and resources of the Romans were 
now immense. Combats by gladiators were this year first introduced 
into Rome. 


VII. 

The lust of empire on the part of the Romans increased with their 
power ; their already vast possessions were not enough to satisfy the 
longings of their ambition. Hitherto their wars and conquests had 
been confined within the narrow limits of their own peninsula ; but 
the ocean which washed their shores was to be no longer a barrier 
between them and foreign movements. The Punic wars are among 
the wonderful events in the world’s history. Carthage, a celebrated 
city of Africa, the rival of Rome, and long the capital of the country, 
and mistress of Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia, was founded by Dido, 
Queen of Tyre, according to Livy, ninety-three years before the 
foundation of Rome. The ambition of this latter city was the origin 
of the first Punic war, b.c. 2C4. For upwards of 240 years the two 
nations had beheld with secret jealousy each other’s power, but they 
had totally eradicated every cause of contention by settling, in three 
different treaties, the boundaries of their respective territories, the 
number of their allies, and how far one nation might sail in the Medi¬ 
terranean without giving offence to the other. Sicily, an island of 
the highest consequence to Carthage as a commercial nation, was the 
seat of the first dissensions. The Mamertini, a body of Italian mer¬ 
cenaries, were appointed by the king of Syracuse to guard the town 
of Messana, but this tumultuous tribe, instead of protecting the 
citizens, basely massacred them and seized their possessions. This 
act of cruelty raised the indignation of all the Sicilians, and Iliero, 
king of Syracuse, who had employed them, prepared to punish their 

















INTRODUCTION. 


27 

perfidy; and the Mamertini, besieged in Messana, and without 
friends or resources, resolved to throw themselves for protection into 
the hands of the first power that could relieve them. They were, 
however, divided in their sentiments, and while some implored the 
assistance of Carthage, others called upon the Romans for protection. 
Without hesitation or delay the Carthaginians entered Messana ; 
and the Romans also hastened to give to the Mamertini that aid 
which had been claimed from them with as much eagerness as from 
the Carthaginians. At the approach of the Roman troops, the Ma¬ 
mertini, who had implored their assistance, took up arms and forced 
the Carthaginians to evacuate Messana. Fresh forces were poured 
in on evei*y side, and though Carthage seemed superior in arms and 
in resources, yet the valour and intrepidity of the Romans daily 
appeared more formidable, and Hiero, the Syracusan king, who 
had hitherto embraced the interest of the Carthaginians, became the 
most faithful ally of the republic. From a private quarrel the war 
became general. The Romans obtained a victory in Sicily, but as 
their enemies were masters at sea, the advantages which they gained 
were small and inconsiderable. To make themselves equal to their 
adversaries, they aspired to the dominion of the sea, and in sixty 
days timber was cut down, and a fleet of 120 galleys completely manned 
and provisioned. The successes they met with at sea were trivial, 
and little advantage could be gained over an enemy that were sailors 
by actual practice and long experience. Duilius at last obtained a 
victory, and he was the first Roman who ever received a triumph 
after a naval battle. The losses which they had already sustained 
induced the Carthaginians to sue for peace ; and the Romans, whom 
an unsuccessful descent upon Africa under Regulus had rendered 
diffident, listened to the proposal, and the first Punic war was con¬ 
cluded, b.c. 241, on the following terms :—The Carthaginians pledged 
themselves to pay to the Romans within twenty years 3000 Euboic 
talents ; they promised to release all the Roman captives without 
ransom ; to evacuate Sicily, and the other islands in the Medi¬ 
terranean, and not to molest Hiero, king of Syracuse, or his allies. 
After this treaty the Carthaginians, who lost the dominion of Sar¬ 
dinia and Sicily, made new conquests in Spain, and soon began to 
repair their losses by industry and labour. They planted colonies, 
and secretly prepared to revenge themselves upon their powerful 
rivals. The Romans were not insensible of their successes in Spain, 
and to stop their progress towards Italy, they made stipulations with 
the Carthaginians, by which they were not to be permitted to cross 
the Iberus, or to molest the cities of their allies the Saguntines. This 
was for some time observed ; but when Hannibal succeeded to the 
command of the Carthaginian armies in Spain, he spurned the boun¬ 
daries which the jealousy of Rome had set to his arms, and he im¬ 
mediately formed the siege of Saguntum. The Romans were apprized 
of the hostilities which had been begun against their allies, but 
Saguntum was in the hands of the enemy before they had taken any 












INTRODUCTION. 


28 

steps to oppose him. Complaints were carried to Carthage, and 
war was determined on by the influence of Hannibal in the Cartha¬ 
ginian senate. Without delay or diffidence, b.c. 218, Hannibal marched 
a numerous army of 90,000 foot and 12,000 horse towards Italy, 
resolved to carry on the war to the gates of Rome. He crossed the 
Rhone, the Alps, and the Apennines with uncommon celerity, and 
the Roman consuls who were stationed to stop his progress were 
severally defeated. The battles of Trebia, of Ticinus, and of the 
lake Thrasymenus, threw Rome into the greatest apprehensions, but 
the prudence and dilatory measures of the dictator Fabius, soon 
taught them to hope for better times. Yet the conduct of Fabius 
was universally censured as cowardice ; and the two consuls who 
succeeded him in the command, by pursuing a different plan of ope¬ 
rations, soon brought on a decisive action at Cannse, in which 45,000 
Romans were left in the field of battle. This bloody victory caused 
so much consternation at Rome, that some authors have declared 
that if Hannibal had immediately marched from the plains of Canine 
to the city, he would have met with no resistance, but would have 
terminated a long and dangerous war with glory to himself and the 
most inestimable advantages to his country. This celebrated victory 
at Canine left the conqueror master of two camps and of an immense 
booty ; and the cities which had hitherto observed a strict neutrality 
no sooner saw the defeat of the Romans than they eagerly embraced 
the interests of Carthage. The news of this victory was carried to 
Carthage by Mago, and the Carthaginians refused to believe it till 
three bushels of golden rings were spread before them, which had 
been taken from the Roman knights in the field of battle. After 
this, Hannibal called his brother Hasdrubal from Spain with a large 
reinforcement ; but the march of Hasdrubal was intercepted by the 
Romans, his army defeated, and himself slain. Affairs had now 
taken a different turn, and Marcellus, who had the command of the 
Roman legions in Italy, soon taught his countrymen that Hannibal 
was not invincible in the field. In different parts of the world the 
Romans were making rapid conquests ; and if the sudden arrival of 
a Carthaginian army in Italy at first raised fears and apprehensions, 
they were soon enabled to dispute with their enemies for the sove¬ 
reignty of Spain and the dominion of the sea. Hannibal no longer 
appeared formidable in Italy : if he conquered towns in Campania 
or Magna Groecia, he remained master of them only while his army 
hovered in the neighbourhood ; and if he marched towards Rome, 
the alarm he occasioned was but momentary ; the Romans were 
prepared to oppose him, and his retreat was therefore the more dis¬ 
honourable. The conquests of young Scipio in Spain had now raised the 
expectations of the Romans ; and he had no sooner returned to Rome, 
than he proposed to remove Hannibal from the capital of Italy, by carry¬ 
ing the war to the gates of Carthage. This was a bold and hazardous 
enterprise, but though Fabius opposed it, it was universally approved 
by the senate, and young Scipio was empowered to sail to Africa. 










INTRODUCTION. 


29 

The conquests of the brave young Roman were as rapid in Africa as 
in Spain, and the Carthaginians, apprehensive for the fate of their 
capital, recalled Hannibal from Italy, and preferred their safety at 
home, to the maintaining of a long and expensive war in another 
quarter of the globe. Hannibal received their orders with indigna¬ 
tion, and with tears in his eyes he left Italy, where for sixteen years 
he had known no rival in the field of battle. 

Upon his arrival in Africa, the Carthaginian general soon collected 
a large army, and met his exulting adversary in the plains of Zama. 
The battle was long and bloody, and though one nation fought for 
glory and the other for the dearer sake of liberty, the Romans ob¬ 
tained the victory ; and Hannibal, who had sworn eternal enmity to 
the gods of Rome, fled from Carthage after he had advised his coun¬ 
trymen to accept the terms of the conqueror. This battle of Zama 
was decisive : the Carthaginians sued for peace, which the haughty 
conquerors granted with difficulty. The conditions were these: Car¬ 
thage was permitted to hold all the possessions which she had in 
Africa before the war, and to be governed by her own laws and 
institutions. She was ordered to make restitution of all the ships 
and other effects which had been taken in violation of a truce that 
had been agreed upon by both nations. She was to surrender the 
whole of her fleet except ten galleys : she was to release and deliver 
up all the captives, deserters, or fugitives taken or received during 
the war ; to indemnify Masinissa for all the losses which he had sus¬ 
tained ; to deliver up all her elephants, and for the future never to 
tame or break any more of those animals. She was not to make war 
upon any nation without the consent of the Romans, to reimburse 
whom she was to pay the sum of 10,000 talents at the rate of 200 
talents a year for fifty years ; and she was to give as hostages, mem¬ 
bers of the noblest families for the performance of these articles ; 
and till the ratification of the treaty, to supply the Roman forces with 
money and provisions. These humiliating conditions were accepted, 
B.c. 201, and immediately 4000 Roman captives were released, 500 
galleys were delivered and burnt on the spot ; but the immediate 
exaction of 200 talents was more severely felt, and many of the Car¬ 
thaginian senators burst into tears. During the fifty years that fol¬ 
lowed the termination of the second Punic war, the Carthaginians 
were employed in repairing their losses by unwearied application and 
industry ; but they found still in the Romans a jealous rival and a 
haughty conqueror ; and in Masinissa, the ally of Rome, an in¬ 
triguing and ambitious monarch. The king of Numidia made him¬ 
self master of one of their provinces; but as they were unable to 
make war without the consent of Rome, the Carthaginians sought 
relief by means of embassies, and made continual complaints in the 
Roman senate of the tyranny and oppression of Masinissa. Commis¬ 
sioners were appointed to examine the cause of their complaints ; but 
as Masinissa was the ally of Rome, the interest of the Carthaginians 
was neglected, and whatever seemed to depress their republic was 

d 3 










INTRODUCTION. 


30 

agreeable to the Romans. Cato, who was in the number of the com¬ 
missioners, examined the capital of Africa with a jealous eye ; he saw 
it with concern rising as it were from its ruins, and when he returned 
to Rome, he declared in full senate, that the peace of Italy would 
never be established while Carthage was in being. The senators, 
however, were not guided by this opinion, and the “ delenda est Car¬ 
thago ” of Cato did not prevent the Romans from acting with modera¬ 
tion. But while the senate were debating about the existence of 
Carthage, and while they considered it as a dependent power, and 
not as an ally, the wrongs of Africa were without redress, and Masi- 
nissa continued his depredations. Upon this the Carthaginians 
resolved to do their cause that justice which the Romans had denied 
them : they entered the field against the Numidians, but they were 
defeated in a bloody battle by Masinissa, who was then ninety years 
old. In this bold measure they had broken the peace; and as their late 
defeat had rendered them desperate, they hastened with all possible 
speed to the capital of Italy, to justify their proceedings, and entreat 
the forgiveness of the Roman senate. The news of Masinissa’s vic¬ 
tory had already reached Italy, and immediately some forces were 
sent to Sicily, and from thence ordered to pass over into Africa. The 
ambassadors of Carthage received evasive and unsatisfactory answers 
from the senate ; and when they saw the Romans landed at Utica, 
they resolved to purchase peace by the most submissive terms, 
which even the most abject slaves could offer. The Romans acted 
with the deepest policy. No declaration of war had been made, 
though hostilities seemed inevitable ; and in answer to the submissive 
offers of Carthage the consuls replied, that to prevent every cause of 
quarrel, the Carthaginians must deliver into their hands 300 host¬ 
ages, all children of senators, and of the most noble and respectable 
families. The demand was great and alarming, but was no sooner 
granted than the Romans made another demand, and the Cartha¬ 
ginians were told that peace could not continue if they refused to 
deliver up all their ships, their arms, engines of war, and all their 
naval and military stores. The Carthaginians complied, and imme¬ 
diately 40,000 suits of armour, 20,000 large engines of war, with a 
plentiful store of ammunition and missile weapons, were surrendered. 
After this duplicity had succeeded, the Romans laid open the final 
resolutions of the senate, and the Carthaginians were then told, that 
to avoid hostilities, they must leave their ancient habitations and 
retire into the inland parts of Africa, and found another city at a dis¬ 
tance of not less than ten miles from the sea. This was heard with 
horror and indignation. The Romans were fixed and inexorable, and 
Carthage was filled with tears and lamentations. But the spirit of 
liberty and independence was not yet extinguished in the capital of 
Africa, and the Carthaginians determined to sacrifice their lives 
for the protection of their gods, the tombs of their forefathers, and 
the place which had given them birth. Before the Roman army 
approached the city, preparations to support a siege were made, and 

























INTRODUCTION. 


31 

the ramparts of Carthage were covered with stores to compensate for 
the weapons and instruments of war which they had ignorantly sur¬ 
rendered to the duplicity of their enemies. Hasdrubal, whom the 
despair ol his countrymen had banished on account of the unsuccess¬ 
ful expedition against Masinissa, was immediately recalled ; and in 
the moment of danger, Carthage seemed to have possessed more spirit 
than when Hannibal was victorious at the gates of Rome. The town 
was blocked up by the Romans, and a regular siege begun. Two 
years were spent in useless operations ; and Carthage seemed still able 
to rise from her ruins to dispute for the empire of the world, when 
Scipio, the descendant of the great Scipio, who finished the second 
Punic war, was sent to conduct the siege. The vigour of his opera¬ 
tions soon baffled the efforts and the bold resistance of the besieged ; 
the communications which they had with the land were cut off, and 
the city, which was twenty miles in circumference, was completely 
surrounded on all sides by the enemy. Despair and famine now 
raged in the city, and Scipio gained access to the city walls, where 
the battlements were low and unguarded. His entrance into the 
streets was disputed with uncommon fury; the houses as he advanced 
were set on fire to stop his progress ; but when a body of 50,000 
persons of both sexes had claimed quarter, the rest of the inhabitants 
were disheartened, and such as disdained to be prisoners of war 
perished in the flames which gradually destroyed their habitations, 
b.c. 147, after a continuation of hostilities for three years. During 
seventeen days Carthage was in flames, and the soldiers were per¬ 
mitted to redeem from the fire whatever possessions they could. 
But while others profited from the destruction of Carthage, the 
philosophic general, struck by the melancholy aspect of the scene, 
repeated two lines from Homer which contained a prophecy concern¬ 
ing the fall of Troy. He was asked by the historian Polybius to Avhat 
he then applied his prediction ? “To my country,” replied Scipio ; 
“ for her too 1 dread the vicissitude of human affairs, and in her turn 
she may exhibit another flaming Carthage.” This remarkable event 
happened a.u.c. fi06, b.c. 143. The news of this victory caused the 
greatest rejoicings at Rome ; and immediately commissioners were 
appointed by the Roman senate, not only to raze the walls of Car¬ 
thage, but even to demolish and burn the very materials of which 
they were made ; and in a few days that city which had been once 
the seat of commerce, the model of magnificence, the common store 
of the wealth of nations, and one of the most powerful states of the 
world, left behind no traces of its splendour, of its power, or even of 
its existence. 


VIII. 


The same year that saw the destruction of Carthage, saw also the 
destruction of Corinth, by Mummius, the consul; and all Greece, to- 











INTRODUCTION. 


32 

gether with Epirus, was reduced to the condition of a Roman pro¬ 
vince, called afterwards by the general name of Achaia. The Romans 
were not, however, so successful in Spain ; indeed so far the reverse 
were their operations in that country, that the senate resolved upon 
sending Scipio Africanus, a second time elected consul, to direct 
affairs there. Numantia fell beneath his arms after a brave and 
protracted resistance of fourteen years, a.-u.c. (120. The repeated 
successes of the Romans produced among them luxury and effemi¬ 
nacy. Up to this time, observes Florus, the Romans showed them¬ 
selves a gallant, virtuous, and magnificent people. Subsequently, 
though learning flourished amongst them, though they cultivated the 
fine arts, and achieved mighty conquests abroad, they became de¬ 
generate and corrupt; vice increased in proportion to the greatness 
of their empire. The ancient probity and justice of the Roman 
people now gave way to inglorious ease and the desire of riches. The 
love of their country was changed into an adherence to leaders of 
faction and private interest. Reform was first attempted by Tiberius 
Gracchus, who revived the proposal of the agrarian law. This ex¬ 
posed him to the hatred of the aristocracy, and he fell a victim to 
his zeal in the cause of the commons. His brother Caius shared 
a similar fate. When the sedition of the Gracchi, as it was called, 
was terminated, the Romans conquered several nations, among whom 
were the Gauls and the Salii. The most considerable war, however, 
in which they were engaged was with Jugurtha, king of Numidia. 
Ilis arms at first were attended with success, but ultimately the 
Romans triumphed ; and it was for Marius to bring to a glorious ter¬ 
mination the Numidian war, after it had lasted for seven years. 

At the same time also, war was carrying on against the Cimbri, 
who, in conjunction with the Teutones, made constant incursions into 
the Roman dominions. They were at first successful, but Marius 
eventually overthrew them with a vast slaughter. At home, the 
city, as usual, was divided into factions, the different parties alter¬ 
nately prevailing. A new war also sprung up called the Italian war, 
a.u.c. G05. The Italians were the dependent states of Italy, and con¬ 
sidered themselves entitled to the freedom of the city ; for this they 
contended, but were subdued by Marius and Sylla. Fresh difficulties, 
however, arose. Abroad, Mithridates, king of Pontus, proved him¬ 
self, in his enmity to Rome, a second Hannibal. At home, the con¬ 
tending parties of Marius and Sylla were filling the streets with the 
blood of their fellow-citizens. Rome had cause for rejoicing when 
they were numbered with the dead. Mithridates terminated his 
existence, a.u.c. GOO. Lucullus and Pompey, surnamed the Great, 
now appear as rivals. Pompey, having the greater interest, was 
appointed general of the Roman armies, and governed with absolute 
authority. Upon the death of Mithridates he turned his arms against 
Judea, which he rendered tributary to Rome, a.u.c. 091, b.c. 02. 
From the same year is dated the birth of Augustus, M. T. Cicero 
being consul. While Pompey was extending the Roman empire 













INTRODUCTION. 


33 

abroad, the very existence of it was in danger from a conspiracy at 
home. Sergius Catiline, of high and ancient family, was the prime 
mover. Lentulus, Cethegus, and Piso, were confederate with him. 
Their purpose was to fire the city and murder a great number of the 
senators, together with Cicero the consul. Cicero, however, was the 
means of detecting the conspiracy, and in the presence of Catiline 
declared the design to the senate, by whose order, Lentulus, Cethe¬ 
gus, and others, were put to death. Catiline fled at the head of a 
small body of men, and in an engagement with Petreius was slain, 
a.u.c. 091. After five years’ absence and high achievements, Pom- 
pey returned to Italy. A triumph, which lasted two days, was awarded 
to him. The names of fifteen conquered nations, and eight hundred 
cities, were exhibited. Captives of high and royal rank graced his 
chariot wheels. His own car was drawn by elephants. The triumph 
in every respect was magnificent. The grandeur and dominion of 
Rome were now scarcely capable of extension. She swayed her 
sceptre over millions of mankind. Outward force could not move 
her ; she laughed at the foreign foe ; and secure in her own might, 
she seemed destined to continue mistress of the world. 

But a different fate awaited her. She was to fall by her own 
weight, and the ambition of her leading men. Julius Caesar was 
already distinguished as a successful and skilful commander. He 
declined a triumph, but was elected consul. Pompey and Crassus 
were competitors for the government, and enemies to each other. 
These he undertook to reconcile ; and with a professed view to ac¬ 
complish this, joined himself to them. This union formed the first 
triumvirate. It was dreaded and opposed by Cato, Cicero, and 
other great men at Rome, but it could not be prevented. Caesar was, 
in fact, the moving member of the combination. His colleagues 
acted at his bidding. They divided the world among them. The 
government of Syria was given to Crassus ; of Spain to Pompey ; and 
that of Gallia Cisalpina was allotted to Caesar. Gaul was yet unsub¬ 
dued, but it sunk beneath the arms of Caesar, and for the first time 
the Roman eagles were planted on the cliffs of Albion, a.u.c. 700. It 
is said that this mighty general took either by force, or made sub¬ 
mit by the terror of his arms, 800 cities ; subdued 300 different na¬ 
tions ; and defeated in different battles 3,000,000 men, of whom 
1,000,000 were slain in battle, and a like number were made prisoners. 
The riches he accumulated were immense, and his great and rapid 
success added stimulus to his ambition. Crassus fell in an unsuccess¬ 
ful war against the Parthians ; Caesar and Pompey quarrelled. The 
one could not bear an equal, nor the other a superior. Each had 
around him a powerful party. Pompey was the acknowledged gene¬ 
ral of the commonwealth, and the senate and consuls followed his 
standards. Caesar was the more powerful, for he was the favourite 
of the soldiers. Each professed to be contending for the laws and 
liberty of his country. Caesar advanced to the Rubicon, a small 
river that separated his government from the rest of Italy, and sur- 









INTRODUCTION. 


34 


prised Rimini. This greatly alarmed the senate. Pompey was at 
a loss how to act. He removed the seat of war from the neighbour¬ 
hood of Rome to Apulia on the Adriatic ; the consequence was, that 
Cresar made himself master of Rome, and possessed himself of the 
public treasure deposited in the temple of Saturn. After this he 
went into Spain, where Fabius joined him with three legions. In a 
bloody engagement he soon afterwards defeated Petreius and Afra- 
nius, Pompey’s generals, and forced their armies to surrender. In 
his return he took Marseilles, and Lepidus the praetor here declared 
him dictator, a.u.c. 705. Afterwards lie set out for Brundusium, 
whither Pompey had retreated. Pompey passed over into Greece, 
where he did much to strengthen his cause. Caesar immediately 
shipped off his army from Brundusium, and landed at Pharsalia in 
Thessaly. Hero he was joined by Antony. Both sides prepared for 
battle. The stake was large—the empire of the universe—and the 
struggle was worthy of the stake. At first fortune favoured Pompey, 
and the soldiers saluted him as imperator; but Caesar was the final 
victor. Pompey withdrew to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, hoping in him 
to find a protector, but was slain. Caesar also passed over into 
Egypt, where the beautiful Cleopatra had influence enough to detain 
him for nearly a year. Upon his return to Rome the senate decreed 
him unlimited authority. He was appointed consul for ten years, 
and perpetual dictator. He made Mark Antony his master of the 
horse. The party of Pompey made a renewed though unsuccessful 
effort to regain the ascendancy: Scipio was drowned; Juba com¬ 
pelled a slave to despatch him ; and Cato fell by His own hands at 
Utica. The successes of Caesar were now rapid and great beyond 
parallel. He triumphed four times in one month. He was liberal 
to his soldiers, courteous to the people, and profuse in his expenditure 
for their diversion ; and to remove all cause of jealousy, he bestowed 
honours and rewards as w r ell upon the friends of Pompey as his own. 
He miscalculated the result. His attempt to assume the regal title 
convinced many that the liberty of the commonwealth was insecure 
while the dictator lived. Brutus and Cassius, whom he had ap¬ 
pointed praetors for that year, headed the party who thus thought. 
Under pretence of declaring him king in full senate he was killed by 
Brutus and Cassius and the other conspirators on the Ides of March. 
He received twenty-three wounds, and fell at the feet of Pompey’s 
statue. But fifty-six years had passed over him when he thus fell 
by those whom he regarded as his friends, a.u.c. 710. Thus ended 
the first triumvirate. 


IX. 


Many of the senate and the people were confounded and alarmed at 
this tragical deed. Antony, Caesar’s friend, was consul; and the city 
was divided into two parties — one siding with the conspirators. 























INTRODUCTION. 85 

the other with Antony and Lepidus. The consul summoned the senate; 
and never was it convened Under more important circumstances. 
Each party fearing the other, a treaty was entered into between them. 
It was jointly agreed, that no enquiries should be made into the dic¬ 
tator’s death ; that all his acts should be confirmed, and his funeral 
performed at tho public expense. Antony delivered the funeral ora¬ 
tion over his friend, and never was rhetoric more powerful in work¬ 
ing upon the passions of the auditors. When the fire was put to the 
pile, the people seized the firebrands, and would have burnt the 
houses of the conspirators, had they not been repulsed by the guard 
appointed to protect them. The senate and the conspirators were 
alike offended at this speech, and suspicion fell upon Antony of an 
ulterior design of himself assuming the sovereignty. Csesar by his 
will had adopted Octavius, his sister’s grandson, and appointed him 
his heir. The young Roman was in Greece when he heard of his 
uncle’s murder, and the unsettled state of affairs at Rome. He deter¬ 
mined immediately upon repairing to the city to prefer his rights ; 
he did so, and assumed the name of Ceesar. This frustrated the 
design of Antony, between whom, however, and Octavius there was 
for some time maintained the appearance of friendliness. Hostilities 
eventually broke out between them ; these did not last, and a second 
triumvirate was formed, a.u.c. 712, consisting of Octavius, Antony, 
and Lepidus. Cruelty was the characteristic of their government. 
Brutus and Cassius had withdrawn to Greece ; they then reduced 
Sardis and other cities in the east. Antony and Octavius agreed to 
follow them. Both armies met at Philippi. Here the future destiny 
of the republic was decided, and the liberty of Rome buried in the 
death of Brutus and Cassius, a.u.c. 713. Octavius returned to Italy ; 
Antony passed over into Asia and afterwards to Egypt, where he 
consumed the remainder of the year with the object of his frantic 
passion, Cleopatra. The republic w r as at an end, and Octavius re¬ 
solved upon reigning alone. He without difficulty ridded himself of 
Lepidus, who retired into privacy ; Antony possessed stronger inte¬ 
rest, but in his love for Cleopatra, he neglected his personal affairs. 
At length the empire of the world was decided by the naval battle at 
Actium, a.u.c. 723. Octavius was the victor, and Antony retiring 
into Egypt, committed suicide. Cleopatra followed his example ; 
and Egypt was added to the Roman empire. Octavius, now sole 
master of Rome, assumed the title of Augustus and imperator. Now 
ended the greatest commomvealth upon earth, and now commenced 
the. mightiest monarchy. The empire of Rome extended over the 
whole globe : in Europe, Italy, both the Gauls, Spain, Lusitania, 
Greece, Illyricum, Dacia, Pannonia, with part of Britain and Ger¬ 
many : in Asia, Asia Minor, Armenia, Syria, Judcea, Mesopotamia, 
and Media: in Africa, Egypt, Numidia, Mauritania, and Lydia. 
Besides these nations, many lesser provinces and islands were tribu¬ 
taries to the Romans. At home also, on a lustrum of the people 
now made, there were found 4,030,000 inhabitants in the city and 










ROMULUS. 


88 

son of Venus and Anchiscs, being 1 obliged to abandon bis country 
to the victorious Greeks, and after a long course of wanderings 
and misfortunes, which form the subject of one of the noblest 
poems of antiquity, the iEneid of Virgil, arrived in Italy, and 
fixed his seat on the banks of the river Tiber, in a territory then 
called Latium 3 , and under the dominion of a king called Latinus, 
by whom he was hospitably received, and whose daughter, 
Lavinia, he married. This union paved the way for his suc¬ 
cession to the throne of Latium upon the death of his father-in- 
law ; and his Trojan followers, becoming incorporated with the na¬ 
tives of the country, the term Latins became the common ap¬ 
pellation of both. A succession of kings, the descendants of 
iEneas, ruled the kingdom of Latium for several hundred years ; 

every prince furnished a certain number of ships and soldiers; the numbers, 
however, are differently given by different authors. Agamemnon was ap¬ 
pointed general of all the combined forces, hut the princes and kings of 
Greece were admitted among his counsellors, and by them all the operations 
of the war were directed. Among the most famous of these were Achilles, 
Aj ax, Mcnelaus, Ulysses, Diomedes, &c. The siege was carried on for ten 
years, after which some of the Trojans, among whom were ./Eneas and 
Antenor, betrayed the city into the hands of the enemy, and Troy was re¬ 
duced to ashes. The poets, however, affirm that the Greeks made them¬ 
selves masters of the place by stratagem; they secretly filled a large wooden 
horse with armed men, and led away their army from the plains as if to re¬ 
turn home. The Trojans brought the wooden horse into their city, and in 
the night the Greeks that were confined within the sides of the animal, 
rushed out and opened the gates to their companions, who had returned from 
the place of their concealment. The greatest part of the inhabitants were 
put to the sword, and the others carried away by the conquerors. Priam 
was slain by Pyrrhus at the foot of an altar, after having reigned fifty-two 
years, and was the last king of Troy. 

2 When the Greeks besieged Troy, ./Eneas is said to have valiantly op¬ 
posed them. On their taking the city, he placed his father with his house¬ 
hold gods upon his hack, and leading his son Ascanius by the hand, re¬ 
treated with what Trojan troops he could collect to Alexandria. In the 
destruction of Troy he lost his wife Creiisa, daughter of Priam, and never 
knew what fate befel her. He afterwards sailed to Epirus, and after many 
tempests and storms at sea, landed at Carthage, where queen Dido became 
passionately in love with him ; but notwithtanding all her entreaties, ./Eneas 
left Carthage and sailed into Sicily. Here his father Ancliises died, to 
whose memory he erected a magnificent monument. At length, after having 
long been the sport of the winds and the waves, he arrived in Italy, and, as 
above stated, married Lavinia, daughter of king Latinus, and succeeded him 
in the government. He, with his son Ascanius, founded there a new king¬ 
dom, and from him the Romans date their origin. 

3 The name “Latium” is supposed by some to have been derived from 
the word “latco,” because Saturn “lay” hid there from the pursuit of his 
son : others derive it from Latinus himself. It lies south of Etruria, from 
which it is separated by the Tiber. 




























ROMULUS 


39 

concerning whom little of importance is recorded, till at length 
! the throne descended to Numitor, who had not reigned long 
, when ho was compelled to retire into privacy, and yield the 
sceptre to his intriguing brother, Amulius. This unprincipled 
usurper, in order to secure to himself an undisputed title to 
the throne, of which he had unjustly deprived his brother, 
caused the two sons of Numitor to be put to death, and caused 
his daughter Ilia or Rhea Sylvia to enter the service of the 
goddess Vesta, which involved the vow of perpetual celibacy. 
These precautions, however, were rendered abortive ; Ilia be¬ 
came pregnant, and though the twins to whom she gave birth, and 
of whom she declared the god Mars to be the father, were thrown 
by the order of the tyrant into the river Tiber ; their life was 
somehow preserved, and Numitor was restored to his throne 
: by his grandsons. Tradition affirms, that they were rescued 
from their perilous situation by means of a she-wolf, who 
continued to suckle them till they were discovered by Faus- 
tulus, one of the king’s herdsmen, who conveyed the in¬ 
fants to his own house, and reared them as his own children. 
The tyrannical usurper was put to death. The boys, thus 
preserved, and to whom the names of Romulus and Remus 
had been given, gave early symptoms of strength and courage. 
Their occupation and delight were in the pursuit of beasts of 
prey, and having gathered around a number of youths of dis¬ 
positions similarly adventurous, they acquired for themselves a 
reputation by attacking the numerous hordes of plunderers who 
infested the surrounding country. The partizans of Amulius 
and Numitor frequently carried their animosities to the farthest 
extremes. The two brothers took part with the former; and 
on one occasion an encounter having taken place, they had the 
misfortune to be the weaker party ; Romulus escaped with diffi- 
j culty, and Remus, being taken prisoner, was carried before 
; Numitor, and had several things laid to his charge; but Numitor 
did not choose to punish him himself, for fear of his brother’s 
resentment. To him, therefore, he applied for justice, which he 
had all the reason in the world to expect; since, though bro¬ 
ther to the reigning prince, he had been injured by his servants, 
who presumed upon his authority. The people, moreover, ex¬ 
pressing their uneasiness, and thinking that Numitor suffered 
great indignities, Amulius, moved with their complaints, delivered 
Remus to him to be treated as he should think proper. When 
the youth was conducted to his house, Numitor was greatly 
struck with his appearance, as he was very remarkable for size 
and strength ; ho observed, too, his presence of mind, and the 

e 2 

























INTRODUCTION. 


36 

suburbs of Home, at this time fifty miles in circumference. The 
government of Augustus, when invested with supreme power, was 
moderate, judicious, and kind. The Romans styled him the ‘‘Father 
of his country.” After the battle of Actium, Augustus reigned 
forty-four years. He died at Nola in Campania, in the seventy-sixth 
year of his age. The age of Augustus was the age of arts, science, 
and literature. The world was at peace, the temple of Janus was 
shut, the Lord of Life, the Prince of Peace, the Saviour of the world, 
was born! 

Rome was subsequently governed by emperoi’S. In the year a.d. 
333, Constantine the Great removed the seat of the Roman empire to 
Byzantium in Thrace, the most eastern part of Europe, and from 
him it was called Constantinople. This emperor first established the 
Christian religion, which amid the greatest persecutions had always 
continued to increase. The successors of Constantine were all cut off 
by their mutual discords, with the exception of his youngest son 
Constantius, a weak and timid prince, who died after a reign of thirty- 
three years, a.d. 361. 


I 


















LIVES 


OF 


CELEBRATED ROMANS. 


ROMULUS. 

(b.c. 753.) 

history of Rome has peculiar claims upon our 
ATjf/hAhy attention, not only on account of the long duration 
- and extent of her empire, but also because her lan- 


:h; 


&.T. guage, laws, and literature, have had, and continue to 


p avej a great influence over the institutions of mo¬ 
dern times. Like most other states, this mighty empire arose 
from very inconsiderable beginnings ; and were it not that its 
origin must necessarily be an object of much interest to all who 
feel sympathy with the records of the elder time, there is so 
much of doubt and uncertainty and fable mixed up with the 
history of its commencement that it is most difficult, if not impos¬ 
sible, to separate the true from the false, or to decide how much 
is the simple recital of fact, and how much is to be ascribed to 
the imagination or the invention of the patriot or the poet. It 
will be sufficient, therefore, to give a brief and rapid sketch of 
the account which ancient writers have handed down to us, 
without reference to those various controversies and opinions to 
which those accounts have given rise. 

After the siege of Troy (b.c. 11S4,) iEneas 2 , the repulsed 

1 The Trojan war was undertaken by the Greeks to recover Helen, whom 
Paris, the son of Priam, king of Troy, had carried away from the palace ot 
her husband, Menelaus, king of Sparta, by whom he had been hospitably 
entertained. All Greece united in avenging the cause of Menelaus, and 

E 













ROMULUS. 


40 

steadiness of Lis looks, which had nothing 1 servile in them, nor 
were altered with the sense of his present danger : and he was 
informed that his actions and whole behaviour corresponded 
with these appearances. At this conjuncture, the shepherd 
Faustulus, alarmed at the danger to which Remus was exposed, 
related to Romulus the singular manner in which he and his 
brother had been preserved in infancy, and disclosed the suspi¬ 
cions which he had long entertained of their royal origin. He 
also resolved upon making a similar disclosure to Numitor. The 
proofs were convincing, and the story rapidly gaining ground, 
and exciting general and deserved indignation, a tumult arose, 
recourse was had to arms, and the usurper Aniulius, as before 
related, fell a victim to the popular fury. Amulius being dead, 
and the troubles composed, the two brothers were not willing to 
live in Alba 4 without governing there; nor yet to take the 
government upon them during their grandfather’s life. Having, 
therefore, invested him with it, and paid due honours to their 
mother, they determined to dwell in a city of their own ; and 
for that purpose to build one in the place where they passed their 
earliest youth. They accordingly repaired to the banks of the 
Tiber, and proceeded to mark out the plan of their intended 
city. As soon as the foundation of the city was laid, they 
opened a place of refuge for fugitives, w'hich they called the 
Temple of the Asylaean God. Here they received all that 
came, and would neither deliver up the slave to his master, the 
debtor to his creditor, nor the murderer to the magistrate ; de¬ 
claring that they were directed by the oracle of Apollo to pre¬ 
serve the asylum from all violation. 

While they were intent upon building, a dispute soon arose 

4 Alba Longa, a city of Latium, built by Ascanius, B.c. 1152, on the spot 
where iEneas found, according to the prophecy of Helenus, and of the god 
of the river, a white sow with a litter of thirty young ones. It was called 
“Longa” from its being extended along the Mons Albanus. It was de¬ 
stroyed by the Romans, B.c. 665, and the inhabitants were carried to Rome. 
The beautiful lake of Albano, with its canal, and castle of Gondolfo, still 
remind the traveller of Alha Longa. 

“Albano’s scarce divided waves 
Shine from a sister valley ; and afar 
The Tiber winds, and the broad ocean laves 
The Latian coast where sprung the Epic war, 

“Arms and the man,”—whose re-ascending star 
Rose o’er an empire; but beneath thy right 
Tully reposed from Rome; and where yon bar 
Of girdling mountains intercepts the sight, 

The Sabine farm was tilled, the weary bard’s delight.” 





ROMULUS. 41 

about the place. Romulus having 1 built a square, which he 
called Rome, would have the city there ; but Remus marked out 
a more secure situation on Mount Aventine. The dispute was 
referred to the decision of augury ; and for this purpose they sat 
down in the open air, when Remus, as they tell us, saw six vul¬ 
tures, and Romulus twice as many. Some say, Remus’s account 
of the number he had seen was true, and that of Romulus not so ; 
but when Remus came up to him, he did really see twelve. Hav¬ 
ing fixed upon the spot, in the next place they marked out the city 
like a circle, round a centre ; and the founder having fitted to a 
plough a brazen ploughshare, and yoked a bull and cow, himself 
drew a deep furrow round the boundaries. The business of 
! those that followed was to turn all the clods raised by the 
I plough inwards to the city, and not to suffer any to remain out- 
| wards. This line described the compass of the city ; and be¬ 
tween it and the walls is a space called, by contraction, Pome- 
rium, as lying behind or beyond the wall. Where they de- 
i signed to have a gate, they took the ploughshare out of the 
ground, and lifted up the plough, making a break for it. Hence 
they look upon the whole wall as sacred, except the gate¬ 
ways. If they considered the gates in the same light as the 
rest, it would be deemed unlawful either to receive the neces¬ 
saries of life by them, or to carry out through them what is 
unclean. 

The day on which they began to build the city is universally 
allowed to be the twenty-first of April ; and is celebrated annu¬ 
ally by the Romans as the birth-day of Rome. While the 
walls were building, Remus, it is said, took occasion to jeer at 
their apparent weakness, and even leaped over them in token of 
derision, which so enraged Romulus that he rushed upon his 
brother and slew him, saying, “ Thus perish every one that 
leaps over my walls.” Others, with greater probability, relate, 
that the friends of each of the brothers had saluted their re¬ 
spective favourites with the title of king, that from hence a 
contest arose in which Remus fell by an unknown hand, and 
thus left his brother undisputed master of the new r state. 

| When the city was built, Romulus divided the younger part, 
of the inhabitants into battalions. Each corps consisted of 
3000 foot and 300 horse, and was called a Legion, be¬ 
cause the most w-arlike persons were selected. The rest of 
the multitude he called The People. A hundred of the most 
considerable citizens he took for his council, with the title of 
Patricians, and the wdiole body was called the Senate, which 
signifies an Assembly of Old Men. Its members were styled 

e 3 














110MULUS. 


42 

Patricians ; because, as some say, they were fathers of freeborn 
children ; or rather, according to others, because they them¬ 
selves had fathers to show, which was not the case with many 
of the rabble that first flocked to the city. But we shall be 
nearer the truth, if we conclude that Romulus styled them 
Patricians, as expecting these respectable persons would watch 
over those in humble stations with a paternal care and regard ; 
and teaching the commonalty in their turn not to fear or envy 
the power of their superiors, but to behave to them with love 
and respect, both looking upon them as fathers and honouring 
them with that name. At first they were called fathers only, 
but afterwards, when more were enrolled in their body, conscript 
fathers; with this venerable title, then, he distinguished the senate 
from the people. He also instituted another relation between 
the nobility and the commons, calling the former patrons, and 
the latter clients; an institution which had a wonderful effect 
in maintaining harmony among the people for the space of GOO 
years. The client or plebeian was allowed to choose his own 
patron, to whom he was bound to show all possible respect, and 
to render him any service in his power. The patron, on the 
other hand, was bound to defend his client from injury, to plead 
his cause in the courts of justice, and to be his adviser on all 
occasions. The patron could not be compelled to give evi¬ 
dence against his client, nor the client against his patron. Pie 
next took an account of all the citizens capable of bearing 
arms, and enrolled them in companies, consisting each of 
from 3000 to 4000 foot, and 300 horse. To these he gave 
the name of legion, and they formed the second rank of his 
subjects, from which the knights were in after times selected. 

Having thus settled the political and military institutions of 
his new city, he found himself in some perplexity as to the 
manner in which its population was to be maintained and 
increased. 

The greater portion of his citizens consisted of fugitives 
from neighbouring states, and were for the most part unmarried. 
In order to provide wives for these his rude followers, he had 
no sooner finished planning out his city, than, under pretence of 
instituting a religious festival, he invited the Sabines, upon 
whose borders his city was built, to assemble to witness and 
partake in the festivity. A great multitude being thus drawn 
together, upon a preconcerted signal being given, the followers 
of Romulus rushed upon the Sabine maidens, and succeeded in 
carrying off a considerable number. This lawless and out¬ 
rageous act had the natural effect of exciting hostilities be- 












ROMULUS. 


43 

tween the neighbouring states, and a war ensued. Their 
enmity, however, was happily appeased by the conduct of the 
young women themselves, who in the midst of a fierce engage¬ 
ment appeared, rushing this way and that with loud cries and 
lamentations, like persons distracted, amidst the drawn swords 
and over the dead bodies, to come at their husbands and fa¬ 
thers ; some carrying their infants in their arms, some darting 
forward with dishevelled hair, but all calling by turns both upon 
the Sabines and Romans by the tenderest names. Both par¬ 
ties were extremely moved, and room was made for them be¬ 
tween the two armies. Their lamentations pierced to the 
utmost ranks, and all were deeply affected ; particularly when 
their upbraiding and complaints ended in supplication and en¬ 
treaty. “ What great injury have we done you, that we have 
suffered, and do still suffer so many miseries 1 ? We were 

V 

carried off by those who now have us violently and illegally : 
after this violence we were so long neglected by our brothers, 
our fathers, and relations, that we were necessitated to unite 
in the strongest ties with those that were the objects of our 
hatred ; and we are now brought to tremble for the men that 
had injured us so much, when we see them in danger, and to 
lament them when they fall. For you came not to deliver us 
from violence, while virgins, or to avenge our cause ; but now 
you tear the wives from their husbands, and the mothers from 
their children ; an assistance more grievous to us than all your 
neglect and disregard. Such love we experienced from them, 
and such compassion from you. Were the war undertaken in 
some other cause, yet surely you would stop its ravages for us, 
who have made you fathers-in-law and grandfathers, or other¬ 
wise placed you in some near affinity to those whom you seek 
to destroy. But if the war be for us, take us, with your sons- 
in-law and their children, and restore us to our parents and 
I kindred; but do not, we beseech you, rob us of our children 
and husbands, lest we become captives again.” Hersilia having 
said a great deal to this purpose, and others joining in the same 
request, a truce was agreed upon, and the generals proceeded 
to a conference. In the mean time the women presented their 
husbands and children to their fathers and brothers, brought 
refreshments to those that wanted them, and carried the 
wounded home to be cured. Here they showed them, that 
they had the ordering of their own houses, what attentions 
their husbands paid them, and with what respect and indulgence 
they were treated. Upon this a peace was concluded, the 
conditions of which were, that such of the women as chose to 










ROMULUS 


44 

remain with their husbands, should be exempt from all labour 
and drudgery, except spinning, that the city should be inha¬ 
bited by the Romans and Sabines in common, with the name 
of Rome, from Romulus ; but that all the citizens, from Cures, 
the capital of the Sabines, and the country of Tatius, should 
be called Quirites ; and that the regal power and the command 
of the army should be equally shared between them. The place 
where these articles were ratified, is still called Comitium, 
from the Latin word “ coire,” which signifies “ to assemble.” 

The city having doubled the number of its inhabitants, 
100 additional senators were elected from among the 
Sabines, and the legions were to consist of 6000 foot and 600 
horse. The people likewise were divided into three tribes, 
called Rhamnenses, from Romulus; Tatienses, from Tatius ; 
and Luceres, from the “ Incus,” or grove, where the asylum 
stood, to which many had fled who were admitted citizens. 
Each tribe contained ten curiae, or “ wards,” which, some say, 
were called after the Sabine women. This, how r ever, is doubtful. 
Many honourable privileges were conferred upon the women ; 
and their children were allowed to wear about their necks an 
ornament called “bulla,” from its resemblance to a “bubble,” 
and a garment bordered with purple. The two kings were not 
hasty in uniting their councils, each meeting for some time 
their hundred senators apart, but afterwards they all assembled 
together. The Sabines received the Roman months; and 
Romulus, on the other hand, adopted their shields, making an 
alteration in his own armour and that of the Romans, who 
before wore bucklers in the manner of the Greeks. They 
mutually celebrated each other’s sacrifices and feasts, not 
abolishing those of either nation, but appointing several in 
addition, and among these the “ Matronalia,” instituted in 
honour of the women for their instrumentality in terminating 
the war. 

The infant city of Rome being thus strengthened by its new 
allies, the kings began to increase their power and their terri¬ 
tories by making incursions upon their neighbours. The Ca- 
rnerini and other small tribes were reduced. In the fifth year 
of the reign of Tatius, some of his friends and kinsmen meeting 
certain ambassadors who were going from Laurentium to Rome, 
attempted to rob them upon the road ; they, resisting, were 
killed in the encounter. Romulus required that those who had 
been guilty of so gross an outrage, should immediately be 
punished : Tatius hesitated, and thus an open variance was 
produced between the two kings, and the entire harmony which 

















ROMULUS. 45 

had subsisted in their mutual administration of affairs, was for 
the first time interrupted. The relatives of those who had 
fallen in the fray, finding that they could obtain no legal redress 
from Tatius, slew him in the following year at Lavinium, as he 
was offering sacrifice with Romulus ; after which they conducted 
Romulus back, and paid to him marked honour as an impartial 
administrator of justice. To the body of Tatius he gave an 
honourable interment at Armilustrium, on Mount Aventine : 
but he took no care to avenge himself upon those who had 
caused his death. This occasioned a strong suspicion, that 
either directly or indirectly, he himself was concerned in it. 
None of these things, however, occasioned any disturbance or 
sedition among the Sabines ; but partly out of regard for Ro¬ 
mulus, partly out of fear of his power, or because they reve¬ 
renced him as a god, they all continued firm in their allegiance : 
his influence also extended to many other nations. The 
ancient Latins sent ambassadors, and entered into league and 
alliance with him. Fidenae, a city in the neighbourhood of 
Rome, he took, as some say, by sending a body of horse before, 

! with orders to break the hinges of the gates, and then appear- 
j ing unexpectedly in person. He did not, however, demolish it, 
i but made it a Roman colony, and sent into it 2,500 inhabitants 
on the thirteenth of April. 

After this a plague broke out, so fatal, that people died of it 
without any previous sickness ; while the scarcity of fruits, and 
barrenness of the cattle, added to the calamity. It rained 
blood, too, in the city; so that their unavoidable sufferings were 
increased with the terrors of superstition: all agreed, it was for 
neglecting to do justice on the murderers of the ambassadors 
and of Tatius, that the divine vengeance pursued both cities. 
Indeed, when those murderers were given up and punished by 
both parties, their calamities visibly abated ; and Romulus puri¬ 
fied the city with lustrations. Before the pestilence ceased, the 
people of Cameria attacked the Romans, and over-ran the coun¬ 
try, thinking them incapable of resistance by reason of the sick¬ 
ness. But Romulus soon met them in the field, gave them 
battle, in which he killed 6000 of them, took their city, and 
transplanted half its remaining inhabitants to Rome; adding, 
on the first of August, to those he left in Cameria, double their 
number from Rome. So many people had he to spare in about 
sixteen years’ time from the building of the city. Among other 
spoils, he carried from Cameria a chariot of brass, which he 
consecrated in the temple of Vulcan, placing upon it his own 
statue crowned by victory. 











46 ROMULUS. 

His affairs thus flourishing, the weaker part of his neighbours 
submitted, satisfied if they could but live in peace ; but the more 
powerful, dreading or envying Romulus, thought they should 
not by any means let him go unnoticed, but oppose and put a 
stop to his growing greatness. The Veientes, who had a strong 
city and extensive country, were the first of the Tuscans who 
began the war, demanding Fidcnae as their property. 

It was unjust, however, and absurd to suppose that they who 
had given the people of Fidense no assistance in the greatest 
extremities, but had suffered them to perish, should challenge 
their houses and lands now in the possession of other masters. 
Romulus therefore returned them a contemptuous answer, upon 
which they divided their forces into two bodies ; one attacked 
the garrison of Fidenae, and the other marched to meet Romu¬ 
lus. A desperate encounter ensued, in which great numbers 
were slain on both sides, and a decisive victory was gained for 
the Romans, chiefly by the personal valour of Romulus himself. 
After the Veientes were thus defeated, Romulus suffered the 
scattered remains to escape, and marched directly to their city : 
the inhabitants, unable to bear up under so great a blow, humbly 
sued for peace, and obtained a truce for a hundred years by 
giving up a considerable part of their territory called Septem- 
pagum, or “ district of seven towns,” together with the salt-pits 
by the river ; besides which they delivered into his hands fifty 
of their nobility as hostages. 

This was the last of the wars of Romulus. After this he be¬ 
haved as almost all men do who rise by some great and unex¬ 
pected good fortune to dignity and power ; for, exalted with his 
' exploits, and loftier in his sentiments, he dropped his popular 
affability, and assumed the monarch to an odious degree. He 
gave the first offence by his dress ; his habit being a purple vest, 
over which he wore a robe bordered with purple : he gave 
audience in a chair of state : he had always about him a number 
of young men called Celeres, from their despatch in doing busi¬ 
ness; and before him went men with staves to keep off the 
populace, who also wore thongs of leather at their girdles, ready 
to bind directly any person he should order to be bound. When 
his grandfather, Numitor, died in Alba, though he had an un¬ 
doubted right to the crown, yet to please the people, he left the 
j administration in their own hands, and over the Albans he 
appointed yearly a particular magistrate ; thus teaching the great 
men of Rome to seek a free commonwealth without a king, and 
by turns to rule and to obey. For now the patricians had no 
share in the government, but only an honourable title and ap- 













ROMULUS. 47 

pcaranco, assembling’ in the senate-house more for form than 
business. There with silent attention they heard the king give 
his orders, and differed only from the rest of the people in this 
respect, that they went home with the first knowledge of what 
had been determined. This treatment they managed for a time 
to bear, but when of his own authority he divided the conquered 
lands among the soldiers, and restored to the Veientes their 
hostages without the consent or approbation of the senate, they 
could no longer endure conduct which they deemed insulting : 
hence arose against him strong disaffection and jealousy, and 
on the 7th day of July, he suddenly and unaccountably dis¬ 
appeared. Some conjectured that the senators, who were con¬ 
vened in the temple of Vulcan, assaulted and killed him ; after 
which each carried away a portion of the mangled body under 
his gown. Others affirm, that his disappearance did not happen 
in the temple of Vulcan, nor in the presence of the senators 
alone, but while he was holding an assembly of the people, 
without the city, at a place called the “ Goat’s Marsh.” The 
air upon that occasion, it is said, was suddenly convulsed, the 
light of the sun failed, thick darkness spread around, and there 
were violent thunderings and lightnings : the multitude sud¬ 
denly dispersed and fled; but the nobles gathered themselves 
into one body. When the tempest was over, and the light re¬ 
appeared, the people returned to the same place, and anxious 
inquiry was made for the king ; but the patricians, without 
suffering them to examine closely into the matter, commanded 
them to honour and worship Romulus, who had been caught up 
into heaven; and who, as he had been their gracious king, would 
thenceforward become the propitious deity. Upon this the 
multitude dispersed, apparently satisfied, and paid to him divine 
honours in the hope of procuring his favour and protection. 
Some, how r ever, searching more minutely into the affair, occa¬ 
sioned the patricians much uneasiness ; they accused them of 
having imposed an idle tale upon the people, and even charged 
them of being guilty of his murder. While they w r ere in this 
state of disorder, a senator, we are told, of high distinction, and 
famed for sanctity, Julius Proculus by name, who came from 
Alba with Romulus, and had been his faithful friend, entered the 
forum 5 , and declared with the most solemn oaths before all the 

5 The forum was a large open space in the city of Rome, where public 
assemblies and courts of judicature were held. It was situated between the 
Capitiline and Palatine hills, and Avas in shape a rectangle, the breadth 
being about two thirds of the length. It was formed by Romulus, and 
adorned with porticoes and shops by Tarquinius Priscus. It was after- 




















48 ROMULUS. 

people, that as he was travelling on the road, Romulus met him | 
in a form more noble and august than ever, and clad in bright 1 
and dazzling armour. Astonished at the sight, he said to him, 

“ For what misbehaviour of ours, O king, or by what accident, 
have you so unseasonably left us, to labour under the heaviest 
calamities, and the whole city to sink under inexpressible sor¬ 
row?” To which he replied, “It pleased the gods, my good 
Proculus, that we should dwell with men for a time ; and after 
having founded a city which will be the most powerful and 
glorious in the world, return to heaven whence we came. Fare¬ 
well, then, and go tell the Romans, that by the exercise of tem¬ 
perance and fortitude, they shall attain to the highest pitch.of 
human greatness ; and I, the god Quirinus will ever be pro¬ 
pitious to you.” 

This, from the known character of the narrator, and being tes¬ 
tified solemnly upon oath, gained instant credit with the people, 
who dismissed their suspicions of the nobles, united in the deifi¬ 
cation of Quirinus, and thenceforth addressed to him their wor¬ 
ship and devotions. The disappearance of Romulus is said to 
have taken place in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and thirty- 
eighth of his reign'. 

wards surrounded with temples, basilicks, and statues; among which were 
those of the twelve deities, named “ Conscntes Urbani,” of whom six were 
males and six females. Its site is now called “Campo Yaccino,” or the 
cow-field or market. Under the republic there was but one forum ; Julius 
Caesar added another, .Augustus a third, a fourth was begun by Domitian 
and finished by Nerva, after whom it was named. But the most magnificent 
was that of Trajan, decorated with the spoils he had taken in war. Besides 
these there were various “fora” or places where markets and public auc¬ 
tions were held. 

6 Plutarch observes, that the surname “Quirinus” was, in the opinion of 
some, given to Romulus as another Mars; in that of others, because they 
called the Roman citizens Quirites; in that of a third class, because they 
gave the name of Quiris to the point of a spear, or to the spear itself; and 
that of Juno Quiritis to the statues of Juno, in which she was represented 
leaning on a spear. They likewise called a certain spear which was con¬ 
secrated in the palace, Mars; and those who distinguished themselves in war 
were rewarded with a spear. Romulus, then, as a martial or warrior-god, 
was named Quirinus; and the hill upon which his temple stood, had, on this 
account, the name Quirinalis. Dionysius of Halicarnassus says, that of the 
Romans the individual was called Romanus, and the people collectively 
Quirites, from Cures, the capital of the Sabines, to whom this privilege or 
honour wa3 granted in consideration of the part taken by the Sabine women 
in terminating the war; the city itself was called Rome from Romulus. A 
similar distinction is to be found in the appellations Britons and English¬ 
men. 

7 These, observes Niebuhr, arc the main features of this traditional tale, 
as it was held sacred for centuries by the Romans, and commemorated in 


















ROMULUS 


49 


sacred songs. But there came a time when simple faith lost its power; 
and when the esteem for real history rose, in proportion as it embraced a 
longer period, and as the nation’s political era had grown in greatness and 
importance; and then appeared writers by whom the whole body of the old 
traditions was perverted, and this one more especially in the grossest manner. 
These were the writers of whom Plutarch and Dionysius speak with appro¬ 
bation, calling them rational men, who related what was probable, and held 
to what was natural. The wish of these historians was, to bring the whole 
mythical age within the sphere of history; their assumption that the poetical 
stories always contained a core of dry historical truth; and their system, to 
bring this core to light, by stripping off every thing marvellous. The results 
of this attempt were various. In the legend of Romulus the turn was given 
mainly by Livy. The way in which the poetical tale of Silvia and her 
children, down to the vengeance inflicted on Amulius, was metamorphosed, 
may be seen in Dionysius and Plutarch. Livy has not condescended to 
mention it, and thereby has condemned it to obscurity. Unfortunately, lie 
has not treated the disappearance of Romulus with the same contempt, and 
hence it has taken deep root. That a mortal man should be clothed with a 
radiant body and carried up to heaven was of course impossible. But as to 
the secret anecdote, that the senators murdered the king during the gloom 
of a tempest—it was not even an eclipse—that they tore him piecemeal, as 
Pentheus was torn by the Bacchanalians, and that they carried away his 
bloody limbs under their gowns; neither was the deed deemed physically 
impossible, nor the loathsome piece of mangling butchery morally so. In the 
later writers we cannot help being surprised at this. That a story so atrocious 
should have been fabricated in ancient Rome, is an instance how feelings 
are poisoned by party animosity; the patricians were held capable of the 
worst enormities. The death of Remus was made oat to have been a mis¬ 
chance dur'ing a civil feud. The Sabine war grew out of the contests of a 
few days into a tedious, hard-fought campaign, with pitched battles between 
great armies. To this war Piso referred the origin of the Curtian lake, that 
he might rid Roman history of another heroic legend. According to him, 
Metius Curtius, a Sabine, almost sunk with his horse into the swamp. The 
same Piso exalted Tarpeia from a venal traitress into a heroine, though an 
utterly senseless and mad one, whose purpose was to sacrifice herself for her 
country. To sucli lengths could honest men go, when devoid of under¬ 
standing, of feeling, and. of judgment. 


F 

























NUMA POMPILIUS. 


(a.u.c. G8. e.c. G86.) 

After the disappearance of Romulus, when the first tumults of 
the people were appeased, and his deification acknowledged, the 
appointment of a successor became naturally an important ques¬ 
tion. The Romans and Sabines, though now for some time 
united together as one people, had not quite forgotten their 
separate origin. The Sabines alleging that much of the wealth 
and power of the new city was owing to their accession, thought 
themselves entitled to a full share of all the honours of the state ; 
and as they had willingly submitted to the government of Ro¬ 
mulus, they now thought themselves entitled to claim that one 
of the Sabine race should be his successor on the throne. This 
matter not being immediately decided upon, the senators took 
upon themselves the administration of affairs ; and in order that 
none of them might be induced to grasp at a perpetual sovereignty, 
the two hundred divided themselves into ten decuries of ten 
each. Each decury was to be in office for the space of five 
days, but the ensigns and prerogatives of royalty were to be 
assumed by only one at a time, whose reign was to continue for 
half a day. This temporary king was styled an interrex, and the 
mode of government an interregnum. Matters continued in 
this unsettled state during a whole year, when the people, 
wearied, as may be supposed, with this shifting and unsatisfactory 
form of government, became clamorous for the appointment of 
a permanent ruler. The interrex accordingly convoked an as¬ 
sembly of the people, and addressed them thus : “ O Romans, we 
hope your determination and choice may be advantageous to 
the empire ; name yourselves a king to reign over you, and the 
senate are ready to confirm your choice, if the object be one fit 
to succeed to the great Romulus !” 

Won by this condescension, the people referred the election 
to the senate, by whom, after much debate, it was agreed that 
one nation should choose a king out of the other. This was 
considered the best means of terminating the contention, and of 























NUMA POMriLIUS. 51 

inspiring the king chosen with an affection for both parties ; 
since he would be gracious to the one for having elected him, 
and to the other because they were his kindred and country- 
| men. The Sabines leaving the Romans to their option, they 
preferred a Sabine king of their own electing to a Roman j 
elected by the Sabines. Consulting therefore among themselves, 

' they fixed upon Numa Pompilius, a Sabine, who was not of the 
number of those who had migrated to Rome, but so much cele¬ 
brated for his virtues, that the Sabines received the nomination 
with even greater satisfaction and applause than the Romans 
| themselves. When they had made known to the people their 
resolution, they sent the most eminent persons of both nations 
ambassadors, to entreat him to come and take upon himself the 
government. 

Numa was of Cures, a considerable city of the Sabines, from 
which the Romans, together with the incorporated Sabines, took 
the name of Quirites. He was the son of a person of distinction, 
named Pomponius, and the youngest of four brothers. He was 
born the twenty-first of April, the same day that Rome was 
founded by Romulus. His mind was naturally disposed to vir- 
; tue ; and he still farther subdued it by discipline, patience, and 
philosophy, not only purging it of the grosser and more infamous 
passions, but even of that ambition and rapaciousness which was 
reckoned honourable amongst the barbarians ; persuaded that 
true fortitude consists in the conquest of appetites by reason. 

I On this account he banished all luxury and splendour from his 
house ; and both the citizens and strangers found in him a faith¬ 
ful counsellor, and an upright judge. As for his hours of leisure, 
he spent them not in the pursuits of pleasure, or schemes of 
profit, but in the worship of the gods, and in rational inquiries 
into their nature and their power. His name became at length 
so illustrious, that Tatius, who was the associate of Romulus in 
the kingdom, having an only daughter named Tatia, bestowed 
her upon him. He was not, however, so much elated with this 
match as to remove to the court of his father-in-law, but con¬ 
tinued in the country of the Sabines, paying his attentions to 
j his own father, who was now grown old. Tatia was partaker 
of his retirement, and preferred the calm enjoyment of life with 
her husband in privacy, to the honours and distinction in which 
i she might have lived with her father at Rome. Thirteen years 
after their marriage she died. 

Numa then left the society of the city, and passed his time 
in wandering about alone in the sacred groves and lawns, in the 
most retired and solitary places. Hence it was reported that 

f 2 
























NUMA POMPILIUS. 


52 

he was favoured with continual conferences with a nymph or 
goddess named Egeria h It was believed that it was not from 

1 Egeria! sweet creation of some heart 

Which found no mortal resting place so fair 
As thine ideal breast; whate’er thou art 
Or wert,—a young Aurora of the air, 

The nympholepsy of some fond despair; 

Or, it might be, a beauty of the earth. 

Who found a more than common votary there 
Too much adoring ; whatsoe’er thy birth 
Thou wert a beautiful thought and softly bodied forth. 

The mosses of thy fountain still arc sprinkled 
With thine Elysian water-drops; the face 
Of thy cave-guarded spring, with years unwrinkled 
Reflects the meek-eved genius of the place, 

Whose green, wild margin now no more erase 
Art’s works ; nor must the delicate waters sleep, 

Prisoned in marble, bubbling from the base 
Of the cleft-statue, with a gentle leap 
The rill runs o’er, and round fern, flowers, and ivy creep, 

Fantastically tangled; the green hills 

Are clothed with early blossoms, thro’ the grass 
The quick-eyed lizard rustles, and the bills 
Of summer-birds sing welcome as ye pass ; 

Flowers, fresh in hue, and many in their class, 

Implore the pausing step, and with their dyes 
Dance in the soft breeze, in an airy mass; 

The sweetness of the violet’s deep bine eyes, 

Kissed by the breath of heaven, seems coloured by its skies. 

Here didst thou dwell in this enchanted cover, 

Egeria ! thy all-heavenly bosom beating 
For the far footsteps of thy mortal lover; 

The purple midnight veiled that mystic meaning 
With her most starry canopy, and seating 
Thyself by thine adorer, what befel ? 

This cave was surely shaped out for the greeting 
Of an enamoured goddess, and the cell 
Haunted by holy love—the earliest oracle! 

And didst thou not, thy breast to his replying, 

Blend a celestial Avith a human heart; 

And love, which dies as it was born, in sighing, 

Share with immortal transports? Could thine art 
Make them indeed immortal, and impart 
The purity of heaven to earthly joys 
Expel the venom and not blunt the dart, 

The dull satiety which all destroys, 

And root from out the soul the deadly weed which cloys ? 








NUMA FOMriLIUS. 


53 

i any inward sorrow or melancholy turn that he avoided human 
conversation, but from his being- admitted to that which was 
more venerable and excellent, from the honour he had of a fami¬ 
liar intercourse with a divinity that loved him, which led him to 
happiness, and knowledge more than mortal. 

Numa was now in his fortieth year, when ambassadors came 
from Rome to make him an offer of the kingdom. The speakers 
were Proculus and Yelesus, whom the people before had cast 
their eyes upon for the royal dignity, the Romans being attached 
| to Proculus, and the Sabines to Velesus. As they imagined that 
j Numa would gladly embrace his good fortune, they made but a 
! short speech. They found it, however, no easy matter to per¬ 
suade him, but were obliged to make use of much entreaty to 
draw him from that peaceful retreat he was so fond of, to the 
government of a city, born, as it were, and brought up in war. 
In the presence, therefore, of his father, and one of his kins¬ 
men, named Marcius, he gave them this answer : “Every change j 
of human life has its dangers ; but when a man has a sufficiency 
for every thing, and there is nothing in his present situation to | 
be complained of, what but madness can lead him from his usual 
j track of life, which, if it has no other advantage, has that of cer¬ 
tainty, to experience another as yet doubtful and unknown ? 
Romulus is celebrated as a person of divine origin, as super- 
naturally nourished when an infant, and most wonderfully pre¬ 
served. For my part, I am only of mortal race, and you are 
sensible my nursing and education boast of nothing extraordi¬ 
nary. As for my character, if it has any distinction, it has been 
gained in a way not likely to qualify me for a king, in scenes of 
repose and employments by no means arduous. My genius is 
inclined to peace, my love has long been fixed upon it, and I 
have studiously avoided the confusion of war : I have also drawn 
others, so far as my influence extended, to the worship of the gods, 

The grotto and valley of Egeria were formerly frequented in summer, and 
particularly the first Sunday in May, by the modern Romans, who 
attached a salubrious quality to the fountain which trickles from an orifice 
at the bottom of the vault, and overflowing the little pools, creeps down 
the matted grass into the brook below. The brook is the Ovidian Almo, 
whose name and qualities are lost in the modern Aquataccio. The valley 
itself is called Valle di Cafarelli, from the dukes of that name who made 
over their fountain to the Pallavicini, with sixty rubbia of adjoining land. 
The valley abounds with springs, and over these springs, which the Muses 
might haunt from their neighbouring groves, Egeria presided; hence she 
was said to supply them with water: and she was the nymph of the 
grottoes through which the fountains were taught to flow. 

F 3 
















NUMA POMPILIUS. 


54 

to mutual offices of friendship, and to spend the rest of their time 
in tilling’ the ground, and feeding cattle. Besides, the people are 
of a warlike disposition, spirited with success, and plainly enough 
discover their inclination to extend their conquests. Of course, 
therefore, a person who has set his heart upon the promoting 
of religion and justice, and drawing men off from the love 
of violence and war, would soon become ridiculous and con¬ 
temptible to a city that has more occasion for a general than a 
king.” 

Numa in this manner declining the crown, the Romans, on 
the other hand, exerted all their endeavours to obviate his ob¬ 
jections, and begged of him not to throw them into confusion 
and civil war again, as there was no other whom both parties 
would unanimously elect. When the ambassadors had retired, 
his father and his friend Marcius privately urged him, by all the 
arguments in their power, to receive this great and valuable gift 
of heaven. “ If contented,” said they, “ with a competence, you 
desire not riches, nor aspire after the honour of sovereignty, 
having a higher and better distinction in virtue ; yet consider 
that a king is the minister of God, who now awakens and puts 
in action your native wisdom and justice. Decline not, there¬ 
fore, an authority, which to a wise man is a held for great and 
good actions ; where dignity may be added to religion, and men 
may be brought over to piety, in the easiest and readiest way, 
by the influence of the prince.” These inducements, we are told, 
were strengthened by auspicious omens, and by the zeal and 
ardour of his fellow-citizens, who as soon as they had learned the 
subject of the embassy, went in a body to entreat him to take 
the government upon him, as the only means to appease all 
dissensions, and effectually incorporate the two nations into 
one. 

When he had determined to go, he offered sacrifice to the 
gods, and then set forward to Rome. Struck with love and ad¬ 
miration of the man, the senate and people met him on the way ; 
the women welcomed him with blessings and shouts of joy; the 
temples were crowded with sacrifices; and so universal was the 
satisfaction, that the city might seem to have received a king¬ 
dom instead of a king. When they were come into the forum, 
Spurius Vettius, whose turn it was then to be interrex, put it to 
the vote, whether Numa should be king, and all the citizens agreed 
to it with one voice. The robes and other distinctions of royalty 
then were offered him, but he commanded them to stop, as his 
authority yet wanted the sanction of heaven. Taking therefore 
with him the priests and augurs, he went up to the capitol, which 










NUMA POMPILIUS 


55 

the Romans at that time called the Tarpeian rock 2 . There the 
chief of the augurs turned his face towards the south; then 
standing behind him, and laying his right hand upon his head, ho 
offered up his devotions, and looked around him, in hopes of 
seeing birds, or some other signal from the gods. An incredible 
silence reigned among the people, anxious for the event, and lost 
in suspense, till the auspicious birds appeared and passed on the 
right hand. Then Numa took the royal robe, and went down 
from the mount to the people, who received him with loud ac¬ 
clamations, as the most pious of men, and most beloved of the 
gods 3 . 

2 Capitolium, a celebrated temple and citadel at Rome on the Tarpeian 
rock, the plan of which was made by Tarquinius Priscus. It was begun 
by Servius Tullius, and finished by Tarquinius Superbus. It occupied a 
space of about eight plethra, or 800 feet in circumference. Its length 
ami breadth were nearly equal, being about 200 feet. It consisted of 
three cells, which were sacred to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. The as¬ 
cent to it from the ground was by 100 steps. The richness and magni¬ 
ficence of this building arc almost incredible. All the consuls succes¬ 
sively made donations to the capitol, and Augustus bestowed upon it at 
one time 2000 pounds weight of gold. The gilding of the roof, which 
was undertaken after the destruction of Carthage, cost 21,000 talents. 
The thresholds were of brass covered Avith plates of gold. The pillars 
seem to have been only of stuccoed brick, but they were crowded with 
military trophies, among the most conspicuous of which may be num¬ 
bered the silver shield of Asdrubal, weighing 138 pounds, and a statue of 
the same general suspended over the doors. This edifice was consumed 
by fire in the time of Sylla, who afterwards rebuilt it, but died before its 
dedication, which was performed by Q. Catullus. It was again de¬ 
stroyed in the troubles under Yitellius; and Vespasian, who endeavoured 
to repair it, saw it again in ruins at his death. Domitian raised it again for 
the last time, and made it more grand and magnificent than any of his 
predecessors, and spent 12,000 talents in gilding it. When they first 
dug for the foundations they found a man’s head called Tolus, sound and 
entire in the ground, and from thence drew an omen of the future 
greatness of the Roman empire. The hill was from that circumstance 
called Capitolum, “ a capite Toli.” The consuls and magistrates offered 
sacrifice there when they first entered upen their offices, and the pro¬ 
cession in triumphs was always conducted to the Capitol. The principal 
temples of other cities were also called by the name of Capitol. 

3 The following passage is transcribed from Niebuhr : “When Numa 
was assured by the auguries that the gods approved of his election, the 
first care of the pious king was turned not to the rites of the temple, but 
to human institutions. He divided the lands which Romulus had con¬ 
quered, and had left open to occupancy. He founded the worship of 
Terminus. All ancient legislators, and above all Moses, rested the result of 
their ordinances for virtue, civil order, and good manners, on securing landed 
property, or at least the hereditary possession of land, to the greatest num¬ 
ber possible of citizens. It was not till after he had done this, that Numa 
set himself to legislate for religion. He was revered as the author of the 








NUMA POMPILIUS. 


56 

His first act of government was to discharge the body of three 
hundred men, called “celeres,” whom Romulus always kept about 
his person as guards ; for he neither chose to distrust those who 
put a confidence in him, nor to reign over a people that could 
distrust him. In the next place, to the priests of Jupiter and 
Mars, he added one for Romulus, whom he styled Flamen Quiri- 
nalis. Flamines was a common name for priests before that time. 

Numa being thus seated on the throne of the infant state, 
devoted his whole attention to softening and civilizing the man¬ 
ners of his barbarous subjects. Persuaded that no ordinary 
means were sufficient to effect his purposes, he called in the aid 
of religion and supernatural revelations. By sacrifices, religious 
dances, and processions which he instituted, and wherein he him¬ 
self officiated, he continued to mix the charms of festivity and 
social pleasure with his ceremonial solemnities. Thus he 

Roman ceremonial law. Instructed by the Camena Egeria, who was es¬ 
poused to him in a visible form, and who led him into the assemblies of her 
sisters in the sacred grove, he regulated the whole hierarchy; the pontiffs, 
who took care by precept and by chastisement, that the laws relating to 
religion should be observed both bv individuals and by the state; the 
augurs, whose calling it was to afford security for the counsels of men by 
piercing into those of the gods; the flamens, who ministered in the temples 
of the supreme deities; the chaste virgins of Vesta; the Salii, who solem¬ 
nized the worship of the gods with armed dances and songs. He preserved 
the rites according to which the people might offer worship and prayer ac¬ 
ceptable to the gods. To him were revealed the conjurations for compelling 
Jupiter himself to make known his will by lightnings and the flights of 
birds; whereas others were forced to wait for these prodigies from the favour 
of the god, who was often silent to such as were doomed to destruction. 
This charm he learnt from Faunus and Picus, whom, by the advice of 
Egeria, he enticed and bound in chains, as Midas bound Silenus in the rose- 
garden. From this pious prince the god brooked such boldness. At Numa’s 
entreaty he exempted the people from the terrible duty of offering up human 
sacrifices. But when the audacious Tullus presumed to imitate his pre¬ 
decessor, he was killed by a flash of lightning during his conjurations in the 
temple of Jupiter Elicius. The thirty-nine years of Numa’s reign, which 
glided away in quiet happiness, without any war or any calamity, afforded 
no legends but of such marvels. That nothing might break the peace of his 
days, the ancile fell from heaven, when the land was threatened with a pes¬ 
tilence, which disappeared as soon as Numa ordained the ceremonies of the 
Salii. Numa was not a theme of song like Romulus; indeed he enjoined 
that among all the Camensc, the highest honours should be paid to Tacita. 
Yet a story was handed down, that when he was entertaining his guests, the 
plain food in the earthenware dishes was turned, on the appearance of 
Egeria, into a banquet fit for gods, in vessels of gold ; in order that her 
divinity might he made manifest to the incredulous. The temple of Janus, 
his work, continued always shut; peace was spread over Italy, until Numa, 
like the darlings of the gods in the golden age, fell asleep full of days. 
Egeria melted away in tears into a fountain.” 












NUMA P0MPILIU3. 57 

soothed the minds and regulated the martial ardour of his 
people ; such as were of a nature too rude and uncultivated to 
be softened by refinement, he terrified by prodigies and super¬ 
natural revelations. 

Some historians are of opinion that the philosophic king was 
secretly in possession of more correct ideas on religious subjects 
than he found expedient to make public, and that he had a be¬ 
lief in a great First Cause, or in the unity of God. Plutarch 
and others ascribe his religious sentiments to his intercourse with 
Pythagoras, but in the opinion of the best modern historians 
that philosopher did not flourish till long after the time of Numa. 

His first care was the institution of the high order of priests 
called “ Pontifices,” over which he is said to have presided him¬ 
self. Some say they were called “Pontifices” as employed 
in the service of those “powerful” gods that govern the world ; 
the word “potens”in the Latin language signifying “powerful;” 
but the more probable etymology is that which derives the word 
from the circumstance that the construction and preservation of 
bridges (pons) over the Tiber formed an important part of their 
duty. At the head of this sacred body was the Pontifex Maxi¬ 
mus, the interpreter of all sacred rites, and superintendent of 
i religion : having the care not only of public sacrifices, but even 
i of private rites and offerings, forbidding the people to depart 
from the stated ceremonies, and teaching them how to honour 
and propitiate the gods. He was vested likewise with supreme 
authority in all causes relating to religion ; had an absolute 
jurisdiction over all magistrates connected with him in his spi¬ 
ritual administration, and was amenable to the king alone. He | 
had also the inspection and superintendence of the holy virgins, 
called Vestals ; for to Numa is ascribed the sacred establishment 
of the vestal virgins, and the whole service with respect to the 
perpetual fire, which they watched continually, and which was 
to be kept ever burning. If by accident or calamity it went 
out, it was re-kindled only by the rays of the sun reflected from 
a concave mirror. 

The vestals were obliged by the king to preserve their vir¬ 
ginity for thirty years. The first ten years they spent in learn¬ 
ing their office; the next ten in putting in practice what they 
had learned; and the third period in the instructing of others. 
At the conclusion of this time, such as chose it had liberty to 
marry, and quitting their sacred employment to take up some 
other. However, we have account of but very few that accepted 
this indulgence, and those did not prosper. They generally 
became a prey to repentance and regret, from whence the rest. 

































58 numa roMnuus. 

inspired with a religious fear, were willing to end their lives 
under the same institution. 

The king honoured them with great privileges, such as power 
to make a will during their father’s life, and to transact their 
other affairs without a guardian. When they went abroad, they 
had the fasces carried before them ; and if, by accident, they 
met a person led to execution, his life was granted him. But 
the vestal was to make oath that it was by chance she met him, 
and not by design. It was death to go under the chair in which 
they were carried. 

For smaller offences these virgins were punished with stripes; 
and sometimes the pontifex maximus gave them the discipline 
naked, in some dark place, and under the cover of a veil ; but 
she that broke her vow of chastity was buried alive by the 
Colline gate. There, within the walls, was raised a little mount 
of earth, called in Latin, “agger under which was prepared a 
small cell, with steps to descend to it. In this were placed a 
bed, a lighted lamp, and some slight provisions, such as bread, 
water, milk, and oil; as they thought it impious to take off a per¬ 
son consecrated with the most awful ceremonies, by such a 
death as that of famine. The criminal was carried to punish¬ 
ment through the forum, in a litter well covered without, and 
bound up in such a manner that her cries could not be heard. 
The people silently made way for the litter, and followed it with 
marks of extreme sorrow and dejection. There was no spectacle 
more dreadful than this, nor any day which the city passed in a 
more melancholy manner. When the litter came to the place 
appointed, the officers loosed the cords, the high-priest, with 
hands lifted up towards heaven, offered up some private prayers 
just before the fatal minute, then took out the prisoner, who 
was covered with a veil, and placed her upon the steps which 
led down to the cell. When she had descended, the steps 
were removed, the cell was covered with earth, and the site 
made level with the adjoining ground. Thus were the vestals 
punished who did not preserve their chastity. The Pontifices 
also regulated all funeral rites, for Numa, unlike some other 
legislators, taught his people to look upon the last offices for the 
dead as communicating no pollution. He established and en¬ 
couraged the worship of the infernal gods, as those who received 
and protected the most excellent part of our nature—the soul. 

He likewise fixed the time of mourning, according to the 
different ages of the deceased. He allowed none for a child 
that died under three years of age ; and for one older the 
mourning was only to last as many months as he lived years, 























NUMA rOMTILTUS. 59 

j provided those were not more than ten. The longest mourning 
was not to continue above ten months, after which space, widows 
were permitted to marry again: but she that took another hus¬ 
band before that term was out, was obliged by his decree to 
sacrifice a cow with calf. 

Numa instituted several other sacred orders ; two of which 
may be mentioned, the Salii and Feciales, which afford particular 
proofs of his piety. The feciales, who were like the Ireno- 
phylakes, or guardians of the peace among the Greeks, had a 
name expressive of their office ; for they were to act and mediate 
between the two parties, to decide their differences by reason, 
and not suffer them to go to war till all hopes of justice were 
lost. The Greeks call such a peace Irene, as puts an end to 
strife, not by mutual violence, but in a rational way. In like 
manner the feciales, or heralds, were often despatched to such 
nations as had injured the Romans, to persuade them to enter¬ 
tain more equitable sentiments : if they rejected their applica¬ 
tion, they called the gods to witness, with imprecations against 
themselves and their country, if their cause was not just ; and 
so they declared war. But if the feciales refused their sanction, 
it was not lawful for any Roman soldier, nor even for the king 
himself, to begin hostilities. War was to commence with their 
approbation, as the proper judges whether it was just, and then 
the supreme magistrate was to deliberate concerning the pro¬ 
per means of carrying it on. The great misfortunes which befel 
the city fron) the Gauls, are said to have proceeded from the 
violation of these sacred rites. 

The institution of the order of priests called “ Salii,” is also 
ascribed to Numa, and is said to have originated in the following 
manner: in the eighth year of Numa’s reign a pestilence pre¬ 
vailed in Italy; Rome also felt its ravages. While the people 
were greatly dejected, we are told that a brazen buckler fell 
from heaven into the hands of Numa. Of this he gave a very 
wonderful account, received from Egeria and the muses : That 
the buckler was sent down for the preservation of the city, and 
should be kept with great care : that eleven others should be 
made as like it as possible in size and fashion, in order, that if 
any person were disposed to steal it, he might not be able to 
distinguish that which fell from heaven from the rest. He 
farther declared, that the place, and the meadows about it, 
where he frequently conversed with the muses, should be conse¬ 
crated to those divinities ; and that the spring which watered 
the ground should be sacred to the use of the vestal virgins, daily 
to sprinkle and purify their temple. The immediate cessation 


























GO NUMA POMriLIUS. 

of the pestilence is said to have confirmed the truth of this ac¬ 
count. Numa then showed the buckler to the artists, and com¬ 
manded them to exert all their skill for an exact resemblance. 
They all declined the attempt, except Veturius Mamurius, who 
was so successful in the imitation, and made the other eleven so 
like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. He 
gave these bucklers in charge to the Salii,or “leapers,” so called 
from the manner in which they performed their functions. In 
the month of March they used to carry the sacred bucklers 
through the city. On that occasion they were habited in purple 
vests, girt with broad belts of brass ; they wore also brazen 
helmets, and carried short swords, which they struck upon the 
bucklers, and to the sounds thus produced they kept time with 
their feet. They moved in an agreeable manner, performing 
certain involutions and evolutions, in a quick measure, with 
vigour, agility, and ease. 

After Numa had instituted these several orders of priests, 
he erected a royal palace, called Regia, near the temple of 
Vesta ; and there he passed most of his time, either in per¬ 
forming some sacred function, or instructing the priests, or at 
least in conversing with them on some divine subject. He had 
also another house upon the Quirinal mount, the situation of 
which they still show us. In all public ceremonies and pro¬ 
cessions of the priests a herald went before, who gave notice to 
the people to keep holiday. For, as they tell us, the Pytha¬ 
goreans would not sutler their disciples to pay any homage or 
worship to the gods in a cursory manner, but required them to 
come prepared for it by meditation at home; so Numa was of 
opinion, that his citizens should neither see nor hear any reli¬ 
gious service in a slight or careless way, but, disengaged from 
other affairs, bring with them that attention which an object 
of such importance required. The streets and ways, on such 
occasions, were cleared of clamour, and all manner of noise 
which attends manual labour, that the solemnities might not 
be disturbed. Some vestiges of this still remain ; for when the 
consul is employed cither in augury or sacrificing, they call 
out to the people, Hoc age, Mind this ; and thus admonish them 
to be orderly and attentive. 

Many other of his institutions resemble those of the Pytha¬ 
goreans. For as these had precepts, which enjoined not to 
sit upon a bushel 4 5 , nor to stir the fire with a sword s , not to 

4 That is, not to give up ourselves to idleness. 

5 Not to irritate him who is already angry. 















NUMA POMriLIUS. G1 

turn back upon a journey 6 , and the like: so some of Numa’s 
sayings had a concealed meaning, as, “not to offer to the gods 
wine proceeding from a vine unpruned;” “not to sacrifice 
without meat“to turn round when you are worshipping, and 
to sit down when you have worshipped.” The first two pre¬ 
cepts seem to recommend agriculture as a part of religion ; 
and the turning round in adoration is said to intimate either 
the immensity of the Deity as filling all space, or, according to 
some, to represent the circular motion of the world. Sitting 
down after an act of religion was intended as an omen of 
success in prayer, and of lasting happiness afterwards. It is 
added, that as actions are divided by intervals of rest, so 
when one business was over they sat down in the presence of 
the gods, that under their auspicious conduct they might com¬ 
mence another. Nor is this repugnant to w'hat has been 
already advanced ; since the lawgiver wanted to accustom the 
people to address the Deity, not in the midst of business or 
hurry, but in a calm, collected, and reverential manner. By 
this sort of religious discipline the people became so tractable, 
and were impressed with such a veneration of Numa’s power, 
that they received from him as true many fabulous tales, and 
thought nothing incredible or impossible which he undertook. 

Thus upon one occasion he is said to have exhibited all the 
rooms of his palace to a large company in the morning, when 
they were observed to be very meanly furnished, and no pre¬ 
parations for a banquet were visible ; but upon the return of 
the same party, by invitation, in the evening, the palace was 
found splendidly furnished, and a magnificent entertainment 
provided for the guests. This sudden change was ascribed to 
the power of his familiar nymph, or goddess, Egeria. Another 
story is told of him worth relating : when Mount Aventine 
was not enclosed with walls, nor yet inhabited, but abounding 
with flowing springs and shady groves, it was frequented by 
two demigods, Picus and Faunus, who were possessed of 
amazing skill in medicine and magic. Numa having secretly 
mixed wine - and honey in their favourite fountain made them 
drunk, and took them prisoners. Upon this they metamor¬ 
phosed themselves into all manner of horrible shapes, but were 
unable to frighten the philosophic king into granting them 
their liberty ; finding, therefore, all resistance useless, they 
were compelled to purchase their freedom at the expense of 
their secrets. They acquainted their captor with many secrets 

e That is, not to wish to live one’s life over again. 

G 






























NUMA TOMPILIUS. 


! C2 

i 

i 

■ of futurity, and taught him a charm for thunder and lightning, 
composed of onions, hair, and pilchards, which Plutarch gravely 
assures us continued in use even to his time. Others say, that 
these demigods did not themselves communicate this wondrous 
charm to Numa, but by their magical arts brought down Jupiter 
from heaven. The god, resenting this annoyance, ordered the 
charm to consist of heads ; of onions, replied Numa ; no, human — 
hairs, interrupted Numa; living, said Jupiter; pilchards, said j 

; Numa. “ These things,” adds Plutarch, “fabulous and ridi- | 
culous as they are, show how superstition, confirmed by custom, 
operated upon the minds of the people. As for Numa him¬ 
self, he placed his confidence so entirely on God, that when 
one brought him word the enemy was coming, he only smiled, 
saying, I am sacrificing.” 

In order to win the Romans to a love of tranquillity, he 
built a temple to Janus, the symbol of prudence and peace. 
This temple was directed to stand open in time of war, and to 
be closed in the time of peace. It remained closed during the 
whole reign of Numa, but for many ages after stood open, de¬ 
noting the continuance of war. It was not closed again till 
the end of the first Punic war, a.u.c. 519, me. 235 ; and for the 
third time by Augustus, after the battle of Actium, me. 31. 
During the reign of Augustus it was opened for several short 
periods, but was closed during that state of universal peace 
which existed at the time of the birth of our Saviour. 

Numa also introduced the worship of the goddess Bona Fides, 
or good faith, in order to impress upon the minds of his sub¬ 
jects the necessity of honesty and integrity ; and taught them 
to swear by faith as the greatest of all oaths. He also intro¬ 
duced the worship of the god Terminus, thus teaching the 
people to respect the land-marks and property of their neigh¬ 
bours. He was the first that marked out the bounds of the 
Roman territory ; Romulus being unwilling, by measuring out 
his own, to show how much he had encroached upon the 
neighbouring countries : for bounds, if preserved, are barriers 
against lawless power; if violated, they are evidences of injus¬ 
tice. The territory of the city was by no means extensive at 
first, but Romulus added to it a considerable district gained by 
the sword ; all this Numa divided among the indigent citizens, 
that poverty might not drive them to rapine ; and, as he 
turned the application of the people to agriculture, their tem¬ 
per was subdued together with the ground. For no occupation 
implants so speedy and so effectual a love of peace, as a country 
life ; where there remain indeed courage and bravery suffi- 




























NUMA rOMPILIUS. 


63 

cient to defend their property, but the temptations to injustice 
and avarice are removed. Numa, therefore, introduced 
among 1 his subjects an attachment to husbandry as a charm of 
peace ; and contriving- a business for them, which would rather 
form their manners to simplicity, than raise them to opulence, 
he divided the country into several portions, which he called 
' pagi, or boroughs, and appointed over each of them a governor 
| or overseer. Sometimes also he inspected them himself, and 
I judging of the disposition of the people by the condition of 
i their farms, some he advanced to posts of honour and trust; 

; and on the other hand, he reprimanded and endeavoured to 
reform the negligent and the idle. 

But the most admired of all his institutions is his distri¬ 
bution of the citizens into companies, according to their arts 
and trades. For the city consisting, as we have observed, of 
two nations, or rather factions, who were by no means willing 
to unite, or to blot out the remembrance of their original dif¬ 
ference, but maintained perpetual contests and party quarrels ; 
he took the same method with them as is used to incorporate 
hard and solid bodies, which, while entire, will not mix at all, 

| but when reduced to powder, unite with ease. To attain this 
purpose, he divided the whole multitude into small bodies, who, 
gaining new distinctions, lost by degrees the great and original 
one, in consequence of their being thus broken into so many 
j parts. This distribution was made according to the several 
arts or trades of musicians, goldsmiths, masons, dyers, shoe¬ 
makers, tanners, braziers, and potters. He collected the other 
! artificers also into companies, who had their respective halls, 
j courts, and religious ceremonies, peculiar to each society. By 
| these means he first took away the distinction of Sabines and 
Romans, subjects of Tatius, and subjects of Romulus, both name 
and thing ; the very separation into parts, mixing and incopo- 
rating the whole together. His last great undertaking was 
the reformation of the calendar, which he executed with some 
degree of skill, though not with absolute exactness. To the 
ten months of the original Roman year he added two others, 
January and February. In the reign of Romulus it had neither 
measure nor order, some months consisting of fewer than 
twenty days, while some were stretched to thirty-five and 
others even to more. They had no idea of the difference be¬ 
tween the annual course of the sun and that of the moon, and 
only laid down this position, that the year consisted of three 
hundred and sixty days. Numa, then, observing that there was 
a difference of eleven days, three hundred and fifty-four days 

g 2 
























64 NUMA POMPILIUS. 

making up the lunar year, and three hundred and sixty-five the 
solar, doubled those eleven days, and inserted them as an in¬ 
tercalary month after that of February every year. This addi¬ 
tional month was at first called “ Mercidinus but a further 
amendment was necessary, which, however, did not take place 
till a long period after. He likewise altered the order of the 
months, making March the third, which was the first; January 
the first, which was the eleventh of Romulus ; and February 
the second, which was the twelfth and last. 

We have no account of cither war or insurrection in the 
state during Numa’s reign. Nay, he experienced neither 
enmity nor envy; nor did ambition dictate either open or 
private attempts against his crown. Whether it were the fear 
of the gods, who took so pious a man under their protection, 
or reverence of his virtue, or the singular good fortune of his 
times, that kept the manners of men pure and unsullied ; he 
was an illustrious instance of that truth, which Plato several 
ages after ventured to deliver concerning government : That 
the only sure prospect of deliverance from the evils of life will be, 
when the Divine Providence shall so order it, that the regal power, 
invested in a prince who has the sentiments of a philosopher, shall 
render virtue triumphant over vice. A man of such wisdom is 
not only happy in himself, but contributes, by his instructions, 
to the happiness of others. There is, in truth, no need cither 
of force or menaces, to direct the multitude ; for when they 
see virtue exemplified in so glorious a pattern as the life of 
their prince, they become wise of themselves, and endeavour 
by friendship and unanimity, by a strict regard to justice and 
temperance, to form themselves to an happy life. This is 
the noblest end of government ; and he is most worthy of the 
royal seat who can regulate the lives and dispositions of his 
subjects in such a manner. No one was more sensible of this 
than Numa. 

Numa was carried off by no sudden or acute distemper ; but 
wasted away insensibly with old age and a gentle decline. He 
was some few years above eighty when he died. 

The neighbouring nations that were in friendship and alliance 
with Rome, strove to make the honours of his burial equal to 
the happiness of his life, attending with crowns and other 
public offerings. The senators carried the bier, and the 
ministers of the gods walked in procession. The rest of the 
people, with the women and children, crowded to the funeral ; 
not, as if they were attending the interment of an aged king, 
but as if they had lost one of their beloved relations in the 




















NUMA TOMPILIUS. 


65 

bloom of life ; for they followed it with tears and loud lamen¬ 
tations. They did not burn the body, because (as we are told) 
he himself forbade it; but they made two stone coffins, and 
buried them under the Janiculum; the one containing his 
body, and the other the sacred books which he had written, 
in the same manner as the Grecian legislators wrote their tables 
of laws. 

Glory follows in the train of great men, and increases after 
their death, for envy does not long survive them ; nay, it some¬ 
times dies before them. The misfortunes, indeed, of the suc¬ 
ceeding kings added lustre to the character of Numa. Of the 
five that came after him, the last was driven from the throne, 
and lived long in exile ; and of the other four, not one died a 
natural death. Three were traitorously slain. As for Tullus 
Hostilius, who reigned next after Numa, he ridiculed and 
despised many of his best institutions, particularly his religious 
ones, as effeminate, and tending to inaction ; for his view was 
to dispose the people to war. He did not, however, abide by 
his irreligious opinions, but falling into a severe and compli¬ 
cated sickness, he changed them for a superstition very diffe¬ 
rent from Numa’s piety. Others, likewise, were infected with 
the same false principles, when they saw the manner of his 
death, which, they say, happened by lightning. 


g 3 










CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 

(a.u.c. 263 . b.c. 401 .) 

Caius Marcius, descended from the family of the Marcii, 
who had supplied Rome with many illustrious patricians, had 
the misfortune to lose his father at an early age, and was 
therefore brought up by his mother in her widowhood ; and 
from him it appeared, that the loss of a father, though attended 
with other disadvantages, is no hindrance to a man’s improving 
in virtue and attaining to a distinguished excellence ; though 
bad men sometimes allege it as an excuse for their corrupt 
lives. On the other hand, the same Marcius became witness 
to the truth of that maxim, that if a generous and noble nature 
be not thoroughly formed by discipline, it will shoot forth 
many bad qualities along with the good; as the richest soil, if 
not cultivated, produces the rankest weeds. His undaunted 
courage and firmness of mind excited him to many great 
actions, and carried him through them with honour. But, at 
the same time, the violence of his passions, his spirit of con¬ 
tention and excessive obstinacy, rendered him untractable and 
disagreeable in conversation. So that those very persons who 
saw with admiration his soul unshaken with pleasures, toils, 
and riches, and allowed him to be possessed of the virtues of 
temperance, justice, and fortitude, yet in the councils and 
affairs of state, could not endure his imperious temper, and 
that savage manner, which was too haughty for a republic. 
Indeed, there is no other advantage to be had from a liberal 
education, equal to that of polishing and softening our na¬ 
ture by reason and discipline ; for that produces an evenness 
of behaviour, and banishes from our manners all extremes. 
There is this, however, to be said, that in those times military 
abilities were deemed by the Romans the highest excellence 
insomuch that the term which they use for virtue in generah 
was applied by them to valour in particular. 

Marcius, for his part, had a more than ordinary inclination 
for war, and therefore from a child began to handle his weapons. 














CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


67 


As he thought that artificial arms avail but little, unless those 
with which nature has supplied us be well improved and kept 
ready for use, he so prepared himself by exercise for every 
kind of combat, that while his limbs were active and nimble 
enough for pursuing, such was his force and weight of wrestling 
and in grappling with the enemy, that none could easily get 
clear of him. Those, therefore, that had any contest with him 
for the prize of courage and valour, though they failed of 
success, flattered themselves with imputing it to his invincible 
strength, which nothing could resist or fatigue. 

He made his first campaign when he was very young, when 
Tarquin, who had reigned in Rome, was driven from the 
throne, and after many battles, fought with bad success, was 
now venturing all upon the last throw. Most of the people at 
Latium, and many other states of Italy, were now assisting and 
marching towards Rome to re-establish him, not through any regard 
they had for Tarquin, but for fear and envy of the Romans, whose 
arrowing greatness thev were desirous to check. A battle 
ensued, with various turns of fortune. Marcius distinguished 
himself that day in sight of the dictator ; for seeing a Roman 
pushed down at a small distance from him, he hastened to his 
help, and standing before him, he engaged his adversary and 
slew him. When the dispute was decided in favour of the 
Romans, the general presented Marcius, among the first, with 
an oaken crown ; the reward which their custom assigns to the 
man who saves the life of a citizen ; and the possession of 
which conferred upon its owner many important honours and 
privileges. In the instance before us, this reward of valour 
excited in the young soldier a desire to distinguish himself by 
greater exploits, and the state of warfare in which the Roman 
republic was then placed was most favourable for the develop¬ 
ment and gratification of martial talents and taste. From 
almost every contest Marcius returned with some new distinc¬ 
tion ; and though his passion for glory was great, it is said that 
the chief motive to his valiant deeds was the delight his 
mother experienced in witnessing the honours conferred upon 
her son. Such, indeed, was his devotion and attachment to his 
surviving parent, that he was married in compliance with her 
wishes; and after his wife had borne him children, he con¬ 
tinued to live in the same house with his mother. When the 
regal government was abolished at Rome, its place was supplied 
by an aristocracy, which allowed but a small share of political 
influence to the people : the senate, taking the part of the 
richer sort of citizens, were at variance with the common peo 



















CAIUB MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


68 

I pie, who were used by their creditors with intolerable cruelty. 
Those that had something considerable were stripped of their 
goods, which were either detained for security, or sold ; and 
I those that had nothing were dragged into prison, and there 
! bound with fetters, though their bodies w r ere full of wounds, 
i and worn out with fighting for their country. The last expe¬ 
dition they were engaged in w r as against the Sabines, on which 
occasion their rich creditors promised to treat them with more 
lenity ; and, in pursuance of a decree of the senate, M. Valerius, 
the consul, was guarantee of that promise. But when they had 
cheerfully undergone the fatigues of that war, and were re¬ 
turned victorious, and yet found that the usurers made them no ; 
abatement, and that the senate pretended to remember nothing 
of that agreement, but without any sort of concern saw them j 
i dragged to prison, and their goods seized upon as formerly, 
then they filled the cit}' - with tumult and sedition. 

The enemy, apprized of these intestine broils, invaded the 
Roman territories, and laid them w r aste with fire and sword. 
And when the consuls called upon such as w r ere able to bear ; 
arms to give in their names, not a man took any notice of it. 
Something was then to be done ; but the magistrates differed 
; in their opinions. Some thought the poor should have a little | 
indulgence, and that the extreme rigour of the law ought to be 
softened. Others declared absolutely against that proposal, 
and particularly Marcius. Not that he thought the money a 
matter of great consequence, but he considered this specimen ! 
of the people’s insolence as an attempt to subvert the laws, 
and the forerunner of farther disorders, which it became a wise J 
government timely to restrain and suppress. 

The senate assembled several times within the space of a 
few days, and debated this point; but as they came to no con¬ 
clusion, on a sudden the commonalty rose one and all, and 
encouraging each other, they left the city, and withdrew to the 
hill since called Sacred, near the river Anio, but without com¬ 
mitting any violence or other act of sedition. Only as they 
went along, they loudly complained, “ That it was now a 
great while since the rich had driven them from their habita¬ 
tions ; that Italy would any where supply them with air and 
water and a place of burial; and that Rome, if they stayed in it, 
would afford them no other privilege, unless it was such to 
bleed and die in fighting for their wealthy oppressors.” 

The senate was then alarmed, and from the oldest men of 
their body selected the most moderate and popular to treat 
with the people. At the head of them was Menenius Agrippa, 


































CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 69 

who, after much entreaty addressed to them, and many argu¬ 
ments in defence of the senate, concluded his discourse with 
this celebrated fable. “ The members of the human body 
once mutinied against the belly, and accused it of lying idle 
and useless, while they were all labouring and toiling to 
satisfy its appetites ; but the belly only laughed at their sim¬ 
plicity, who knew not that though it received all the nourish¬ 
ment into itself, it prepared and distributed it aorain to all parts 
of the body. Just so, my fellow-citizens, (said he,) stands the 
case between the senate and you. For their necessary coun¬ 
sels and acts of government are productive of advantage to 
you all, and distribute their salutary influence amongst the 
whole people.” 

After this they were reconciled to the senate, having de¬ 
manded and obtained the privilege of appointing five men \ to 
defend their rights on all occasions. These were called tri¬ 
bunes of the people. The first that were elected, were Junius 
Brutus and Sicinius Vellutus, the leaders of the secession. 
When the breach was thus made up, the plebeians soon came 
to be enrolled as soldiers, and readily obeyed the orders of the 
consuls relative to the war. As for Marcius, though he was 
far from being pleased at the advantages which the people had 
i gained, as it was a lessening of the authority of the patricians, 
and though he found a considerable part of the nobility of his 
opinion, yet he exhorted them not to be backward wherever 
the interest of their country was concerned, but to show 
themselves superior to the commonalty rather in virtue than in 
power. 

Corioli was the capital of the country of the Volscians, with 
whom the Romans were at war. And as it was besieged by 
the consul Cominius, the rest of the Volscians were much 
alarmed ; and assembled to succour it, intending to give the 
Romans battle under the walls, and to attack them on both 
sides. But after Cominius had divided his forces, and with 
part went to meet the Volscians without, who were marching 

1 The tribunes were at first five in number; but a few years after five 
more were added. Before the people left the Mons Sacer, they passed a 
law, by which the persons of the tribunes were made sacred. Their sole 
function was to interpose in all grievances offered the plebeians by their 
superiors. This interposing was called “ intercessio,” and was performed by 
standing up and pronouncing the single word “Veto,” I forbid it. They 
had their seats placed at the door of the senate, and were never admitted 
into it, but when the consuls called them to ask their opinion upon some 
affair that concerned the interests of the people. 












70 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 

against him, leaving Titus Lartius, an illustrious Roman, with 
the other part to carry on the siege, the inhabitants of Corioli 
despised the body that were left, and sallied out to fight them. 
The Romans at first were obliged to give ground, and were 
driven to their entrenchments. But Marcius with a small ! 
party flew to their assistance, killed the foremost of the enemy, | 
and stopping the rest in their career, with a loud voice called 
the Romans back. For he was (what Cato wanted a soldier to 
be) not only dreadful for the thunder of his arm, but of voice 
too, and had an aspect which struck his adversaries with terror 
and dismay. Many Romans then crowding about him, and 
being ready to second him, the enemy retired in confusion. 
Nor was he satisfied with making them retire ; he pressed hard 
upon their rear, and pursued them quite up to the gates. There 
he perceived that his men discontinued the pursuit, by reason 
of the shower of arrows which fell from the walls, and that 
none of them had any thoughts of rushing along with the fugi¬ 
tives into the city, which was filled with warlike people, who 
were all under arms ; nevertheless, he exhorted and encouraged 
them to press forward, crying out, “ That fortune had opened 
the gates rather to the victors than to the vanquished.” But 
as few were willing to follow him, he broke through the enemy, 
and pushed into the town with the crowd, no one at first daring 
to oppose him, or even to look him in the face. But when he 
cast his eyes around, and saw so small a number within the 
walls, whose service he could make use of in that dangerous 
enterprise, and that friends and foes were mixed together, he 
summoned all his force, and performed the most incredible 
exploits, both with respect to heroic strength, amazing agility, 
and bold and daring spirit; for he overpowered all that were in 
his way, forcing some to seek refuge in the farthest corners of 
the town, and others to give up and throw down their arms ; 
which afforded Lartius an opportunity to bring in the rest of 
the Romans unmolested. 

The day after, Marcius waiting upon the consul, and the army 
being assembled, Cominius mounted the rostrum, and having in 
the first place returned due thanks to the gods for such extra¬ 
ordinary success, addressed himself to Marcius. He began 
with a detail of his gallant actions, of which he himself had 
been partly an eye-witness, and had partly received an account 
from Lartius, the officer left to carry on the siege of Corioli. 
Then out of the great quantity of spoil taken from the enemy, 
he assigned to him a tenth part for his own use, besides a 
noble horse magnificently caparisoned, as a reward for his 












CAIUS MAItCIUS CORIOLANUS. 71 

valour. The army received this speech with loud applause, 
but Marcius, while he gratefully received the horse as a token 
ol the consul’s approbation, resolutely declined the pecuniary 
reward ; desiring instead the liberation of a Volscian prisoner 
to whom he was indebted for the rites of hospitality. This 
noble and disinterested conduct produced a louder shout of 
applause from his delighted companions ; and when the accla¬ 
mations had subsided, Cominius proposed, that as the most ap¬ 
propriate mark of the estimation in which the heroism of 
Marcius was held, that he should henceforward be distinguished 
by the name Coriolanus, from the city Corioli, which he had 
taken almost by his single arm. 

The war was followed by a great scarcity of provisions ; the 
ground during the recent troubles having been left unsown. 
This caused a fresh theme for the demagogues to expatiate 
upon ; and, as is usual in such cases, they succeeded in exciting 
a discontented and rebellious spirit among the famishing people. 
At this juncture there arrived ambassadors from the people of 
Velitrse, who offered to surrender their city to the Romans, and 
desired to have a number of new inhabitants to replenish it : 
a pestilential distemper having committed such ravages there, 
that scarcely a tenth part of the people remained. The sensible 
part of the Romans thought this pressing necessity of Velitrai 
a seasonable and advantageous thing for Rome, as it would 
lessen the scarcity of provisions. They hoped, moreover, that 
the sedition would subside, if the citv were rid of the trouble- 
some part of the people ; and that when rich and poor, ple¬ 
beians and patricians, came to bear arms together again, to be 
in the same camp, and to meet the same dangers, they would 
be disposed to treat each other with more candour and gentle¬ 
ness. But the restless tribunes, Sicinius and Brutus, opposed 
both these designs, affirming that the consuls only wisned to 
get rid of the complaints of the people, and by sending them 
to an unwholesome and infected locality showed a total indif¬ 
ference to their welfare or their lives. The people, irritated 
by these speeches, neither obeyed the summons to be enlisted 
j for the war, nor could be brought to approve the order to go 
and people Velitrag. While the senate were in doubt what step 
they should take, Marcius, now not a little elated by the 
honours he had received, by the sense of his own great 
abilities, and by the deference that was paid him by the prin¬ 
cipal persons in the state, stood foremost in opposition to the 
tribunes. The colony, therefore, was sent out, heavy fines 
being set upon such as refused to go. But as they declared 











CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


72 

absolutely against serving in the war, Marcius mustered up bis 
own clients, and as many volunteers as be could procure, and 
with these made an inroad into the territories of the Antiatcs. 
There he found plenty of corn, and a great number of cattle 
and slaves, no part of which he reserved to himself, but led his 
troops back to Rome, loaded with the rich booty. The rest of 
the citizens then repenting of their obstinacy, and envying ! 
those who had got such a quantity of provisions, looked upon 
Marcius with an evil eye, not being able to endure the in¬ 
crease of his power and honour, which they considered as rising 
on the ruins of the people. Soon after, the friends of Marcius 
put him forward as a candidate for the high office of consul, to 
which the services rendered to his country fully entitled him ; 
and though at this moment his high and overbearing temper 
had made him far from popular, the people felt reluctant to 
vote against a man of such acknowledged talent, and to whom 
they had been indebted for the most brilliant successes their 
arms had ever yet attained. It was the custom for the candi¬ 
dates for the consulship to go through the city clad in a loose 
white robe, (whence the origin of the term candidate, from 
“ Candidas,” white,) and to solicit the votes of the people in a 
very humble manner; and also, if a warrior, to display his 
wounds, recount his exploits, and, in short, endeavour by all 
means to engage the people in his favour. With these some¬ 
what humiliating customs, Marcius was induced to comply ; 
but his compliance exhibited such evidence of his repugnance 
and contempt for the ceremony, as caused even those who 
could not refuse him their votes to view him with feelings of 
dislike. Nevertheless, when Marcius showed the wounds and 
scars which he had received in the many glorious battles which 
he had fought for seventeen years successively, the people 
were struck with reverence at his virtue, and agreed to choose 
him consul: but before the day of election their minds being 
wrought upon by the popular orators, they were induced to 
retract their intention, under the fear that by electing as consul 
a man so decidedly attached to the senate and the aristocracy, 
the liberty of the people would be entirely destroyed. In¬ 
fluenced by these considerations, they rejected Marcius, and 
appointed others to that office. The senate took this extremely 
ill, considering it as an affront rather intended against them 
than against Marcius. As for Marcius, he resented that treat¬ 
ment highly, indulging his irascible passions upon a supposition, 
that they have something great and exalted In them ; and want¬ 
ing a due mixture of gravity and mildness, which are the chief 













CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


73 

political virtues, and the fruits of reason and education. lie 
did not consider that the man who applies himself to public 
business, and undertakes to converse with men, should above all 
things avoid that overbearing austerity, which (as Plato says) 
“is always the companion of solitude,” and cultivate in his 
heart the patience which some people so much deride. Mar- 
cius, then, being plain and artless, but rigid and inflexible 
withal, was persuaded, that to vanquish opposition was the 
highest attainment of a gallant spirit. He never dreamed 
that such obstinacy is rather the effect of the weakness and 
effeminacy of a distempered mind, which breaks out in violent 
passions, like so many tumours ; and, therefore, he went away 
in great disorder, and full of rancour against the people Such 
of the young nobility as were most distinguished by the pride 
of birth and greatness of spirit, who had always been wonder¬ 
fully taken with Marcius, and then unluckily happened to attend 
him, inflamed his resentment, by expressing their own grief 
and indignation. For he was their leader in every expedition, 
and their instructor in the art of war ; he it was who inspired 
them with a truly virtuous emulation, and taught them to re- ! 
joice in their own success, without envying the exploits of 
others. 

About this time a large supply of corn arrived at Rome 
from various quarters, and it might have been hoped that this ! 
seasonable relief would have had the effect of restoring peace 
and contentment to the popular mind. Such, however, was 
not the case ; and, unfortunately, the very return of plenty was 
made the means of increasing the ill-feeling between the pa¬ 
trician and plebeian party. The distribution of the provisions 
was vested in the senate ; and a debate took place in that as¬ 
sembly whether the corn should be at once given to those who 
needed it, or whether a surrender of some of the obnoxious 
popular privileges should not be made an antecedent condition. 
On this occasion, Coriolanus, smarting under the disappointment 
and vexation caused by his failure in the consular election, took 
the opportunity of inveighing with considerable vehemence 
against the power of the tribunes, and intimated that the 
abolition of that office should be insisted on. This proposal 
was agreeable to many of the younger patricians, but was 
altogether opposed by the milder and more aged senators, 
who were sensible either of the impolicy of provoking a 
tumult, or of the want of generosity which would be shown in 
compelling the people to resign their privileges in order to 
obtain the means of satisfying hunger. While this matter was 

n 
























74 CAIUS MAltCIUS CORIOLANUS. 

thus debated, the tribunes burst out into the most bitter invectives 
against Coriolanus, calling upon the senators to condemn him 
to death, or exile : and threatening that, in case of refusal, they 
would take the matter into their own hands, and execute sum¬ 
mary vengeance upon him. They thus spoke and acted with a 
design, either to humble Marcius, by making him submit to 
entreat the people’s clemency, which was much against his 
haughty temper ; or, if he followed his native bent, to draw 
him to make the breach incurable. The latter they were in 
hopes of, and the rather because they knew the man well. He 
stood as if he would have made his defence, and the people 
waited in silence for what he had to say. But when, instead of 
the submissive language that was expected, he began with an 
aggravating boldness, and rather accused the commons, than 
defended himself; when with the tone of his voice and the 
fierceness of his looks, he expressed an intrepidity bordering 
upon insolence and contempt, they lost all patience ; and Si- 
cinius, the boldest of the tribunes, after a short consultation 
with his colleagues, pronounced openly, that the tribunes con¬ 
demned Marcius to die. He then ordered the aediles to take 
him immediately up to the top of the Tarpeian rock, and throw 
him down the precipice. However, when they came to lay 
hands on him, the action appeared horrible even to many of 
the plebeians. The patricians, shocked and astonished, ran 
with great outcries to his assistance, and got Marcius in the 
midst of them, some interposing to keep off the arrest, and 
others stretching out their hands in supplication to the multi¬ 
tude : but no regard was paid to words and entreaties amidst 
such disorder and confusion, until the friends and relations of 
the tribunes, perceiving it would be impossible to carry off 
Marcius and punish him capitally, without first spilling much 
patrician blood, persuaded them to alter the cruel and unpre¬ 
cedented part of the sentence ; not to use violence in the 
affair, or put him to death without form or trial, but to refer all 
to the people’s determination in full assembly. 

It was therefore agreed upon, that Marcius should have a 
public trial before the citizens, on the third market day next 
ensuing. These market days occurred at intervals of nine 
days from each other ; and it was hoped that, in the space thus 
afforded, the passions of both parties might subside. The 
patricians, indeed, felt an unwillingness to permit one of their 
body to appear at the bar of the public assembly, but their op¬ 
position was overruled by Marcius himself, who declared his 
intention of braving the judgment of the people in the forum. 










CA1US MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 75 

It must here be observed, however, that Livy denies this sub¬ 
mission of Marcius to the popular tribunal ; and affirms, that he 
refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of such a court : and 
the statement of the historian is by many considered to be 
more worthy of credit than that above given. Be this as it 
may, the tribunes were resolved to bring the case before the 
assembly, whether the defendant chose to acknowledge their 
jurisdiction or not ; and in order to strengthen their power 
against him, they, after much tumult, procured a resolution 
that the people should vote by tribes, and not by centuries, 
by which means the decision would be thrown entirely into the 
hands of the popular party. 

At length the expected day arrived, and the forum was 
crowded with a multitude, who impatiently waited the issue of 
this great contest. The charge against Marcius was that of 
tyranny, or an attempt to possess himself of supreme power. 
This absurd charge the tribunes attempted to maintain, by re¬ 
counting the various acts of haughtiness and disregard of the 
popular feelings of which he had been guilty. After having for 
a long time indulged in the fiercest invectives against him, 
Coriolanus boldly presented himself before the assembly, and 
without condescending to dwell upon the particular charge 
against him, recounted the services he had rendered to the 
state, and the wounds he had received in her defence; and 
then triumphantly appealed to them, whether it could be con¬ 
sidered probable that he could wish to do injury to those for 
whose safety and welfare he had so frequently put his own life 
in peril ? This appeal filled the people with shame, and they 
now loudly demanded his acquittal. But Decius, one of the 
tribunes, determined that the victim should not escape, brought 
forward a new charge, viz. that Coriolanus had misapplied 
certain treasures taken in war, to the bribing his soldiers to his 
own personal interest, instead of depositing them in the public 
treasury. 

This last accusation is said to have discomposed Marcius 
more than all the rest ; for it was what he did not expect, and 
he could not immediately think of an answer that would satisfy 
the commonalty ; the praises he bestowed upon those who 
made that campaign with him, serving only to raise an outcry 
against him from the majority, who were not concerned in it. 
At last, when they came to vote, he was condemned by a 
majority of three tribes, and the penalty to be inflicted upon 
him was perpetual banishment. 

After the sentence was pronounced, the people were more 

h 2 

















76 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 

elated, and went off in greater transports than they ever did 
on account of a victory in the field ; the senate, on the other 
hand, were in the greatest distress, and repented that they had 
not run the last risk, rather than suffer the people to possess 
themselves of so much power, and use it in so insolent a manner. 
There was no need then to look upon their dress, or any other 
mark of distinction, to know which was a plebeian and which a 
patrician : the man that exulted was a plebeian ; and the man 
that was dejected, a patrician. 

Marcius alone w r as unmoved and unhumbled. Still lofty in 
his port and firm in his countenance, he appeared not to be 
sorry for himself, and to be the only one of the nobility that 
was not. This air of fortitude w r as not, however, the effect of 
reason or moderation, but the man w r as buoyed up by anger and 
indignation. And this, though the vulgar know' it not, has its 
rise from grief, which, when it catches flame, is turned to anger, 
and then bids adieu to all feebleness and dejection. Hence, the 
angry man is courageous, just as he who has a fever is hot, the 
mind being upon the stretch and in a violent agitation. His 
subsequent behaviour soon showed that he was thus affected : 
for having returned to his own house, and embraced his mother 
and his wife, who lamented their fate with the weakness of 
women, he exhorted them to bear it with patience, and then 
hastened to one of the city gates, being conducted by the 
patricians in a body. Thus he quitted Rome, without asking 
or receiving aught at any man’s hand ; and took with him only 
three or four clients. He spent a few days in a solitary manner 
at some of his farms near the city, agitated with a thousand 
different thoughts, such as his anger suggested ; in w'hic.h he 
did not propose any advantage to himself, but considered only 
how he might satisfy his revenge against the Romans. At last 
he determined to spirit up a cruel war against them from some 
neighbouring nation ; and for this purpose to apply first to the 
Volscians, w'hom he knew to be yet strong both in men and 
money, and whom he supposed to be rather exasperated and 
provoked to farther conflicts, than absolutely subdued. 

He accordingly betook himself to the Volscian territories, 
and entered in disguise into the house of one Tullus Aufidius, 
against whom he had fought hand to hand in some of the late 
wars. Making his way to the fire-place, which, as having the 
domestic gods upon it, w’as considered as sacred to hospitality, 
he seated himself without saying a w'ord, covering his face, and 
remaining in a composed posture. The people" of the house 
were very much surprised ; yet they did not venture to disturb 










CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 


77 

him, for there was 801110111111" of dignity both in his person and 
his silence ; but they went and related the strange adventure to 
Tuilus, who was then at supper. Tullus, upon this, rose from 
table, and, coming to Coriolanus, asked him, Who lie was, and 
upon what business he was come f Coriolanus, uncovering his 
face, paused awhile, and then thus addressed him : “ If thou dost 
not yet know me, Tullus, but distrustest thine own eyes, I must 
of necessity be mine own accuser. I am Caius Marcius, who have 
brought so many calamities upon the Volscians, and bear the 
additional name of Coriolanus, which will not suffer me to deny 
that imputation were I disposed to it. For all the labours and 
dangers I have undergone, I have no other reward left but that 
appellation, which distinguishes my enmity to your nation, and 
which cannot indeed be taken from me. Of every thing else I 
am deprived by the envy and outrage of the people on the 
one hand, and the cowardice and treachery of the magistrates 
and those of mine order 011 the other. Thus driven out an 
exile, I am come a suppliant to thy household gods; not 
for shelter and protection, for why should 1 come hither, if , 
I were afraid of death ? but for vengeance against those who 
have expelled me, which, methinks, I begin to take, by putting j 
myself into thy hands. If, therefore, thou art disposed to 
attack the enemy, come on, brave Tullus, avail thyself of my 
misfortunes ; let my personal distress be the common happiness 
of the Volscians. You may be assured, I shall fight much 
better for you than I have fought against you, because they who 1 
know perfectly the state of the enemy’s affairs are much more 
capable of annoying them, than such as do not know them. But 
if thou hast given up all thoughts of war, I neither desire to 
live, nor is it fit for thee to preserve a person who of old has 
been thine enemy, and now is not able to do thee any sort of 
service.” 

Tullus, delighted with this address, gave him his hand, and 
“ Rise,” said he, “ Marcius, and take courage : the present 
you thus make of yourself is inestimable ; and you may assure 
yourself that the Volscians will not be ungrateful.” Then he 
entertained him at his table with great kindness ; and the 
next and the following days they consulted together about the 
war. 

Tullus was determined to take advantage Gf the opportunity 
thus offered to him of renewing the war with Rome ; especially 
as the new consuls chosen by the plebeian faction were no¬ 
toriously men deficient in warlike abilities. A plausible pre¬ 
text for breaking the truce was not long wanting, and the com- 

h 3 






















78 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 

mand of the army being assigned to the joint conduct of ; 
Tullus and Coriolanus, the former remained with a portion of 
troops in garrison, while the latter marched his division of the 
forces towards Rome. Having subdued many towns upon his 
march, he arrived at the gates of the city from which he had 
been so lately exiled, and which was now filled with confusion 
and terror. The Romans refused to fight, and passed their 
time in cabals, seditious speeches, and mutual complaints ; until 
news was brought that Coriolanus had laid siege to Lavinium, 
where the holy symbols of the gods of their fathers were 
placed, and from whence they derived their original, that being 
the first city which iEneas built. A wonderful and universal 
change of opinion then appeared among the people, and a very 
strange and absurd one among the patricians. The people 
were desirous to annul the sentence against Marcius, and to 
recall him to Rome ; but the senate, being assembled to delibe¬ 
rate on that point, finally rejected the proposition, either out 
of a perverse humour of opposing whatever measure the people 
espoused, or perhaps unwilling that Coriolanus should owe his 
return to the favour of the people; or else having conceived 
some resentment against him for harassing and distressing all 
the Romans, when he had been injured only by a part, and for 
showing himself an enemy to his country, in which he knew 
the most respectable body had both sympathized with him, and 
shared in his ill-treatment : this resolution being announced to 
the commons, it was not in their power to proceed to vote or to 
pass a bill ; for a previous decree of the senate was necessary. 

At length, however, the senate perceiving that Coriolanus 
was preparing to invest the city, they consented to send a 
deputation to him to negotiate peace. Minucius Cominius and 
other persons of consular dignity were appointed to conduct 
this important mission. These, being all either relatives or 
friends of Coriolanus, expected to be received with respect and 
courtesy : they were, however, disappointed, for, being con¬ 
ducted into the presence of the general, they found him seated 
in council with a number of officers, and wearing an aspect of 
great severity. Having bade them declare their business, they 
in the most humble manner besought him by the memory of 
their former friendship to forget the past, and to return to his 
native city, now waiting to receive him with honour and re¬ 
joicing. The answer of the offended general was short and 
abrupt. He demanded a restoration of all former conquests 
from the Volscians, and also the freedom of the city for that 
people. He gave them thirty days to consider his proposal. 










CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 79 

Coriolanus did not spend those thirty days idly. He harassed 
the enemy's allies, laid waste their lands, and took seven 
great and popular cities in that interval. The Romans did not 
venture to send them any succours. They were as spiritless, 
and as little disposed to the war, as if their bodies had been re¬ 
laxed and benumbed with the palsy. 

When the term was expired, and Coriolanus returned with 
all his forces, they sent a second embassy, “ to entreat him 
to lay aside his resentment, to draw off the Volscians from 
their territories, and then to proceed as should seem most 
conducive to the advantage of both nations. For that the 
Romans would not give up any thing through fear ; but, if he 
thought it. reasonable that the Volscians should be indulged in 
some particular points, they would be duly considered if they 
laid down their arms.’’ Coriolanus replied, “ That as general 
of the Volscians, he would give them no answer ; but as one 
who was yet a citizen of Rome, he would advise and exhort 
j them to entertain humble thoughts, and to come within three 
days with a ratification of the just conditions he had proposed. 

! At the same time he assured them, that if their resolutions 
' should be of a different nature, it would not be safe for them 
to come any more into his camp with empty words.” 

The senate, having received the report of the ambassadors, 
i considered the commonwealth as ready to sink in the waves of 
■ a dreadful tempest, and therefore cast the last, the saci'ccl anchor , 
as it is called. They ordered all the priests of the gods, the 
j ministers and guardians of the mysteries, and all that, by the 
ancient usage of their country, practised divination by the flight 
! of birds, to go to Coriolanus, in their robes, with the ensigns 
i which they bear in the duties of their office, and exert their 
utmost endeavours to persuade him to desist from the war, and 
then to treat with his countrymen of articles of peace for 
the Volscians. When they came, he did indeed vouchsafe to 
admit them into the camp, but showed them no other favour, 

! nor gave them a milder answer than the others had received ; 
he bade them, in short, “ either accept the former proposals, 
or prepare for war.” 

When the priests returned, the Romans resolved to keep close 
I within the city, and to defend the walls ; intending only to re- 
; pulse the enemy, should he attack them, and placing their chief 
i hopes on the accidents of time and fortune : for they knew of no 
resource within themselves ; the city was full of trouble and 
confusion, terror and unhappy presages. At length Valeria, the 
sister of the famous Publicola, having gathered together a num- 


















80 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 

bor of matrons, repaired to the house of Volumnia, the mother of 
Coriolanus, and exhorted her in the most earnest manner to use 
her influence in averting the vengeance threatened by her son. 
Volumnia replied : “ I know not whether he will have any re¬ 
gard for us, since he has had none for his country, which he used 
to prefer to his mother, to his wife, and children. Take us, how¬ 
ever, and make what use of us you please. Lead us to him : 
if we can do nothing else, we can expire at his feet in suppli¬ 
cating for Rome.” 

She then took the children and Virgilia his wife with her, 
and went with the other matrons to the Volscian camp. The 
sight of them produced, even in the enemy, compassion and a 
reverential silence. Coriolanus, who then happened to be seated 
upon the tribunal with his principal officers, seeing the women 
approach, was greatly agitated and surprised. Nevertheless, he 
endeavoured to retain his wonted sternness and inexorable tem¬ 
per, though he perceived that his wife was at the head of them. 
But, unable to resist the emotions of affection, he could not 
suffer them to address him as he sat. He descended from the 
tribunal, and ran to meet them. First he embraced his mother 
for a considerable time, and afterwards his wife and children, 
neither refraining from tears nor any other instance of natural 
tenderness. 

When he had sufficiently indulged his passion, and perceived 
that his mother wanted to speak, he called the Volscian coun¬ 
sellors to him, and Volumnia expressed herself to this purpose : 
“ You see, my son, by our attire and miserable looks, and there¬ 
fore I may spare myself the trouble of declaring, to what condi¬ 
tion your banishment has reduced us. Think with yourself 
whether we are not the most unhappy of women, when fortune 
has changed the spectacle that should have been the most 
pleasing in the world into the most dreadful; when Volumnia 
beholds her son, and Virgilia her husband, encamped in a hostile 
manner before the walls of his native city.” After having thus 
spoken, she together with his wife and children thr§w themselves 
at his feet; upon which, Coriolanus, crying out, “ O mother, what 
is it you have done !” raised her from the ground, and, tenderly 
pressing her hand, continued : “ You have gained a victory for¬ 
tunate for your country, but ruinous to me. I go, vanquished 
by you alone.” Then, after a short conference with his mother 
and wife in private, he sent them back to Rome, agreeably to 
their desire. Next morning he drew off the Volscians, who had 
not all the same sentiments of what had passed. Some blamed 
him ; others, whose inclinations were for peace, found no fault; 




















CA1US MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 81 

others again, though they disliked what was done, did not look 
upon Coriolanus as a bad man, but thought he was excusable in 
yielding to such powerful solicitations. However, none pre¬ 
sumed to contradict his orders, though they followed him, rather 
out of veneration for his virtue, than regard to his authority. 

The sense of the dreadful and dangerous circumstances which 
the Roman people had been in, bv reason of the war, never ap¬ 
peared so strong as when they were delivered from it. For no 
sooner did they perceive from the walls that the Volscians were 
drawing off, than all the temples were opened and filled with 
persons crowned with garlands, and offering sacrifice, as for some 
great victory. But in nothing was the public joy more evident 
than in the affectionate regard and honour which both the senate 
and people paid the women, whom they both considered and 
declared the means of their preservation. Nevertheless, when 
the senate decreed, that whatever they thought would contribute 
most to their glory and satisfaction, the consuls should take care 
to see it done, they only desired that a temple might be built to 
the Fortune of Women, the expense of which they offered to 
defray themselves, requiring the commonwealth to be at no other 
charge than that of sacrifices, and such a solemn service as was 
suitable to the majesty of the gods. The senate, though they 
commended their generosity, ordered the temple and shrine to 
be erected at the public charge. 

When Coriolanus returned, after this expedition, to Antium, 
Tullus, who both hated and feared him, resolved to assassinate 
him immediately ; being persuaded, that if he missed this, he 
should not have such another opportunity. First, therefore, he 
collected and prepared a number of accomplices, and then called 
upon Coriolanus to divest himself of his authority, and give an 
account of his conduct to the Volscians. Dreading the conse¬ 
quence of being reduced to a private station, while Tullus, who 
had so great an interest with his countrymen, was in power, he 
made answer, that if the Volscians required it, he would give up 
his commission, and not otherwise, since he had taken it at their 
common request; but that he was ready to give an account of his 
behaviour even then, if the citizens of Antium would have it so. 
Hereupon, they met in full assembly, and some of the orators, 
who were prepared for it, endeavoured to exasperate the popu¬ 
lace against him. But, when Coriolanus stood up, the violence 
of the tumult abated, and he had liberty to speak ; the best part 
of the people of Antium, and those that were most inclined to 
peace, appearing ready to hear him with candour, and to pass 
sentence with equity. Tullus was then afraid that he would 















CAIUS MAECIUS CORIOLANUS. 


82 

make but too good a defence : for be was an eloquent man, and 
the former advantages which he had procured the nation out¬ 
weighed his present offence. Nay, the very impeachment was 
a clear proof of the greatness of the benefits he had conferred 
upon them. For they would never have thought themselves in¬ 
jured in not conquering Rome, if they had not been near taking 
it through his means. The conspirators, therefore, judged it 
prudent not to wait any longer, or to try the multitude ; and 
the boldest of their faction, crying out that a traitor ought not 
to be heard, or suffered by the Volscians to act the tyrant, and 
refuse to lay down his authority, rushed upon him in a body, and 
killed him on the spot; not one that was present lifting a hand 
to defend him. It was soon evident that this was not done with 
the general approbation ; for they assembled from several cities, 
to give his body an honourable burial. They dressed him in his 
general’s robes, and laid his corpse on a magnificent bier, which 
was carried by such young officers as were most distinguished 
for their martial exploits. Before him were borne the spoils he 
had taken from the enemy, the crowns he had gained, and plans 
of the cities he had taken. In this order his body was laid on 
the pile, while several victims were slain in honour to his me¬ 
mory. When the pile was consumed, they gathered up his 
ashes, which they interred on the spot, and erected a magnifi¬ 
cent monument there. Coriolanus was slain in the second year 
of the seventy-third Olympiad, in the two hundred and sixty- 
sixth year of Rome, and eight years after his first campaign. 

When the Romans were informed of his death, they showed 
no sign either of favour or resentment. Only they permitted 
the women, at their request, to go into mourning for ten months, 
as they used to do for a father, a son, or a brother : this being 
the longest term for mourning allowed by law. 

The Volscian affairs soon wanted the abilities of Marcius. 
For, first of all, in a dispute which they had with the iEqui, 
their friends and allies, which of the two nations should give a 
general to their armies, they proceeded to blows, and a num¬ 
ber were killed and wounded ; and afterwards coming to a battle 
with the Romans, m which they were defeated, and Tullus, to¬ 
gether with the flow r er of their army, slain, they were forced to 
accept of very disgraceful conditions of peace, by which they 
were reduced to the obedience of Rome, and obliged to accept 
of such terms as the conquerors would allow r them. 

Though Plutarch, as above, and Dionysius, affirm that Corio¬ 
lanus fell by assassination, Livy asserts, on the authority of Fa- 
bius, that he lived to a considerable age, and in his declining 












CAIUS MARC1US CORIOLANUS. 


83 

years was accustomed to complain of the bitterness of his exile. 
An expression used by Cicero seems to imply that he committed 
suicide. 

The story of Coriolanus is one of the most interesting’ which 
Roman history furnishes. His talents were of the highest order. 
His extraordinary skill and daring in war, his influence over his 
soldiers, his contempt for personal wealth, his liberality to his 
men, all indicate a great and noble-minded man. But besides 
these military virtues, he was distinguished for the intensity of 
his domestic affections ; and at the close of his career, as we 
have seen, his filial reverence for his mother, and his love for 
his wife, triumphed over the valour of the general, and the 
revenge of the exile. His great faults were an unbending obsti¬ 
nacy, an inability to make allowances for the failings and weak¬ 
nesses of others ; a haughtiness of spirit which led him not only 
to despise popular favour, but to carry himself towards his in¬ 
feriors with an irritating degree of supercilious contempt. He 
would have been the greatest and most perfect hero of anti¬ 
quity, had he only learned to love and respect his species h 

1 Niebuhr styles the whole tale of Coriolanus a “ legend.” The reasons 
.assigned for so doing are tiie following :—there was no famine at Rome in 
262; there was no prince, that is , tyrant, in Sicily at that time; the tri¬ 
bunes had not the power here assigned to them till after the year 280; 
the custom of naming persons from conquests they had made began with 
Scipio Afrieanus. On the other hand, there was a famine in 278, at which 
time Hiero was reigning at Syracuse; and soon after there was a violent 
dissension among the orders, when the proposal ascribed to Mareius may 
have been made, and the plebs were then strong enough to punish any one 
who attempted to do away with any of the fundamental laws of the state. 
Finally, the conquests ascribed to Coriolanus are mostly the cessions made 
to the Volscians at the peace of 295. 




I 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 

(a.u.c. 388. u.c. 365.) 

Marcus Furius Camillus was of a family which, though patri¬ 
cian, had not hitherto produced any person of distinguished 
merit: his was to be the honour of rendering it first illus¬ 
trious. At a very early age Camillus gave promise of his future 
greatness. When only seventeen years old, he served under 
Posthumius Tubertus in the great battle with the iEqui and 
Volsci. In that action, spurring his horse before the ranks, he 
received a wound in the thigh, when, instead of retiring, he 
plucked the javelin out of the wound, engaged with the bravest 
of the enemy, and put them to flight. For this, among other 
honours, he was appointed censor,—an office at that time of 
great dignity. The censors were the appointed guardians of 
the public morals ; they could, upon sufficient cause, expel the 
senators from the senate, degrade the knights, and deprive the 
people of their political privileges. At this particular period it 
was indeed the most honourable office in the state, for the con¬ 
sulate, owing to the disputes between the nobles and the com¬ 
monalty, was for many years, and during nearly the whole period 
of the life of Camillus, in abeyance ; the exclusive functions of 
the government being entrusted to six military tribunes, chosen 
from the ranks of the two great parties in the state. The citi¬ 
zens of Rome, now rapidly increasing in numbers and in strength, 
were intent upon extending their power by the subjugation of 
neighbouring states. One of the most important of these was 
Veii, the inhabitants of which were sometimes called Venetani. 
This city was the barrier of Tuscany, about twelve miles dis¬ 
tant from Rome, and in the quantity of her arms, and number 
of her military, not inferior to that city. Indeed, some af¬ 
firm, that her resources and magnificence were larger and far 
greater. 

Proud of her wealth, her elegance, and luxury, she had main¬ 
tained with the Romans many long and gallant disputes for 
glory and for power. But, humbled by many signal defeats, tho 































MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


85 

Veicntes had then bid adieu to that ambition ; they satisfied 
themselves with building strong and high walls, and filling the 
city with provisions, arms, and all kinds of warlike stores ; and 
so they waited for the enemy without fear. The siege was 
long, but no less laborious and troublesome to the besiegers than 
to them. For the Romans had long been accustomed to summer 
campaigns only, and to winter at home ; and then for the first 
time their officers ordered them to construct forts, to raise 
strong works about their camp, and to pass the winter as well as 
summer in the enemy’s country. 

The seventh year of the war was now almost passed, when the 
generals began to be blamed; and as it was thought they showed 
not sufficient vigour in the siege, they were superseded, and 
others put in their room, among whom was Camillus, then 
| appointed tribune the second time. Fie was not, however, at 
present concerned in the siege, for it fell to his lot to head the 
expedition against the Falisci and Capenates, who, while the 
Romans were otherwise employed, committed great depreda¬ 
tions in their country, and harassed them during the whole 
! Tuscan war. But Camillus, falling upon them, killed great 
numbers, and shut up the rest within their walls. 

During this siege the Alban lake suddenly overflowed its 
banks in a remarkable manner, and the waters, having burst their 
barriers, descended in an impetuous torrent towards the sea. 

| This phenomenon, occurring, as it did, in the midst of an un¬ 
usually dry season, excited universal attention, and was the cause 
of much superstitious fear. A clandestine meeting between a 
Roman soldier and one of the besieged taking place at this time, 
their conversation naturally turned upon this prodigy, the 
meaning of which the Veian affirmed was well known to himself 
and his fellow-countrymen. The Roman continued to entice his 
companion to some distance from the gate, and then snatching 
him up in his arms, he being the stronger man, held him, till 
with the assistance of several soldiers from the camp, he was 
secured and carried before the generals. The man, reduced to 
this necessity, declared the secret oracles concerning his own 
country : “ That the city could never be taken till the waters 
of the Alban lake, which had now forsaken their bed and found 
new passages, were turned back, or so diverted as to prevent 
their mixing with the sea.” The Deiphic oracle having been 
consulted on the subject, and an answer of similar import being 
returned, the Romans immediately set about constructing a sub¬ 
terranean passage for the waters, so that they might lose them¬ 
selves under ground, instead of flowing to the sea. This remark- 

i 

























MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


86 

' able tunnel, GOOO feet long, and three and a half wide, and high 
enough for a man to walk in it, wrought through lava as hard as 
iron, exists to the present day, a monument of ancient skill and 
perseverance. It is the opinion of scientific travellers, that the | 
lake itself was the crater of an extinct volcano, and that, some of 
its external caverns having collapsed, the water was forced up¬ 
wards, and caused the prodigy here mentioned. 

In the tenth year of the siege the senate removed the other 
magistrates, and appointed Camillus dictator, who made choice j 
of Cornelius Scipio as his general of horse. In the first place he j 
] made vows to the gods, if they favoured him with putting a | 
j glorious period to the war, to celebrate the great Circensian ! 
i games to their honour, and to consecrate the temple of the j 
j goddess whom the Romans call “the Mother Matuta.” Having 
made these vows, Camillus penetrated into the country of the 
Falerii, and in a general battle overthrew them and their 
auxiliaries the Capenates. He then returned to the siege of 
Veii, and, perceiving that it would be both difficult and danger¬ 
ous to endeavour to take it by assault, he commenced a blockade, ; 
and contrived secretly to carry a mine under the city to the 
very citadel itself. This being completed, he made a desperate 
assault from without, which had the effect of drawing the Veiian 
forces to the defence of their walls, while at the same time a j 
detachment from the Roman army was making its way under 
ground to the citadel. Within this fortress stood a temple dedi¬ 
cated to Juno, and the most considerable edifice of that kind in 
the city. At the moment when the Roman troops had reached 
this spot, the Tuscan general, it is said, happened to be sacrifi¬ 
cing ; when the soothsayer, upon inspection of the entrails, cried 
out, “ The gods promise victory to him that shall finish this 
sacrifice the Romans, who were under ground, hearing what 
he said, immediately removed the pavement, and came out with 
loud shouts and clashing their arms, which struck the enemy 
with such terror, that they fled, and left the entrails, which were 
carried to Camillus. But perhaps this has more of the air of 
fable than of history. 

The city thus taken by the Romans sword in hand, while 
they were busy in plundering it and carrying off its immense 
riches, Camillus, beholding from the citadel what was done, at 
first burst into tears; and when those about him began to mag¬ 
nify his happiness, he lifted up his hands towards heaven, and 
uttered this prayer : “ Great Jupiter, and ye gods that have the 
inspection of our good and evil actions, ye know that the Ro¬ 
mans, not without just cause, but in their own defence, and con- 











MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS 


87 


strained by necessity, have made war against this city, and their 
enemies its unjust inhabitants. If we must have some misfortune 
in lieu ot this success, I entreat that it may fall, not upon Homo 
or the Roman army, but upon myself.” Having pronounced 
these words, he turned to the right, as the manner of the Romans 
is after prayer and supplication, but fell in turning. His friends 
that were by expressed great uneasiness at the accident, but he 
soon recovered himself from the fall, and told them, “ It was 
only a small inconvenience after great success, agreeable to his 
prayer.” 

The subsequent conduct of Camillus displayed a less noble 
spirit than that of this prayer. Elated by his success, he was 
induced to invest his triumphant entry into Rome with a 
degree of magnificence and ostentation highly displeasing to 
his republican fellow-citizens. Elis chariot was drawn by four 
white horses,—a distinction reserved for the statue of Jupiter 
alone, to whom this kind of chariot was considered sacred ; he 
also coloured his face with vermilion, which was another as¬ 
sumption of divine honour. But notwithstanding this, the 
proximate cause of his unpopularity was, doubtless, the way in 
which he acted as to the distribution of the spoil. On his march 
to Veii he had made a vow that if victorious he would dedicate 
to Apollo the tenth of the spoils ; but either forgetful of his 
vows, or fearing the opposition of the army, or induced by 
covetousness, he allowed his soldiers to carry off the whole. 
The senate, however, decreed that the tenths should be re¬ 
funded ; a decision not to be carried into effect without exciting- 
much dissatisfaction. Another cause of complaint of the peo¬ 
ple against their general was his opposition to a plan which the 
tribunes had proposed, of transferring one half of the Roman 
senators and citizens to the conquered city. The popular cla¬ 
mours were, however, for a time suppressed by another expe¬ 
dition against the Falisci, an Etrurian people, the conduct of 
which w-as entrusted to Camillus. The Etruscans were at this 
period considerably in advance of the Romans in civilization 
and learning, owing to their intercourse with Greece. They 
paid particular attention to the education of their children ; 
for whose instruction public schools were established in all their 
towns. Near to one of these towns, viz. Falerii, the army of 
Camillus was now encamped ; and the Falerians, trusting to the 
strength of their fortifications, gave themselves but little anxiety 
about the approach of the enemy. The children even, under 
the superintendence of their master (it being the custom at 
Falerii, as in Greece, to place boys of different families under 

I 2 

























88 MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 

the direction and control of one tutor) were allowed to take 
their usual exercise, and practise their games outside the walls. 
The Falerian schoolmaster, urged by what motives we know 
not, had formed the base design of betraying his country by 
means of the important charge with which he was entrusted. 
Under pretence of taking the children out for exercise, he 
contrived each day to increase the distance to which he led 
them from the walls, at the same time accustoming them to divert 
themselves freely as if they had nothing to fear. At last, 
having got them all together, he brought them to the Roman 
advanced guard, and delivered them up to be carried to Camillus. 
When he came into his presence, he said, “ He was the school¬ 
master of Falerii, but preferring his favour to the obligations of 
duty, he came to deliver up those children to him, and in them 
the whole city.” This action appeared very shocking to Ca¬ 
millas, and he said to those that were by, “ War (at best) is a 
savage thing, and wades through a sea of violence and injustice ; 
yet even war itself has its laws, which men of honour will not 
depart from ; nor do they so pursue victory, as to avail them¬ 
selves of acts of villany and baseness. For a great general 
should only rely on his own virtue, and not upon the treachery 
of others.” Then he ordered the lictors to tear off the wretch’s 
clothes, to tie his hands behind him, and furnish the boys with 
rods and scourges to punish the traitor, and whip him into the 
city. By this time the Falerians had discovered the school- i 
master’s treason ; the city, as might be expected, was full of 
lamentations for so great a loss, and the principal inhabitants, 
both men and women, crowded about the walls and the gate 
like persons distracted. In the midst of this disorder they 
espied the boys whipping on their master, naked and bound, j 
and calling Camillus their god, their deliverer, their father. 
Not only the parents of those children, but all the citizens in 
general, were struck with admiration at the spectacle, and con¬ 
ceived such an affection for the justice of Camillus, that they 
immediately assembled in council, and sent deputies to surrender 
to him both themselves and their city. 

Camillus sent them to Rome ; and when they were intro¬ 
duced to the senate, they said, “ The Romans, in preferring 
justice to conquest, have taught us to be satisfied with sub¬ 
mission instead of liberty. At the same time, we declare we 
do not think ourselves so much beneath you in strength as in¬ 
ferior in virtue.” The senate referred "the settling of the 
articles of peace to Camillus, who contented himself with 
taking a sum of money of the Falerians, and, having entered 

















JL 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 89 

into alliance with the whole nation of the Falisci, returned to 
Rome. 

The soldiery, however, were by no means disposed to the 
same course of lenity and forbearance as their leader ; and 
they expressed loudly their disappointment in being 1 frustrated 
of their expected spoliation. Knowing, therefore, the unpopu¬ 
larity of Camillus with the plebeian faction, they gave vent to 
their own displeasure by openly accusing him of hostility to 
the privileges of the people and to the improvement of the 
condition ot the poor. When they had thus sufficiently exas¬ 
perated their countrymen against him to suit their purpose, 
they brought forth a specific charge of fraud with respect to 
the Tuscan spoils ; and it was alleged that certain brass gates, a 
part of those spoils, were found with him. The people W'ere 
so much exasperated, that it was plain they would lay hold on 
any pretext to condemn him. He, therefore, assembled his 
friends, his colleagues, and fellow-soldiers, a great number in 
all, and begged of them not to suffer him to be crushed b}' 
false and unjust accusations, and exposed to the scorn of his 
enemies. When they had consulted together, and fully con¬ 
sidered the affair, the answer they gave was, that they did not 
believe it in their power to prevent the sentence, but they 
would willingly assist him to pay the fine that might be laid 
upon him. He could not, however, bear the thoughts of so 
great an indignity, and, giving way to his resentment, determined 
to quit the city as a voluntary exile. Having taken leave of 
his wife and children, he went in silence from his house to the 
gate of the city. There he made a stand, and turning about, 
stretched out his hands towards the Capitol, and prayed to the 
gods, “ That if he was driven out without any fault of his own, 
and merely by the violence or envy of the people, the Romans 
might quickly repent it, and express to all the world their want 
of Camillus, and their regret for his absence!” 

This prayer seemed to receive a speedy fulfilment; for, in 
little more than a year after, the Gauls, who had for some time 
been ravaging the northern part of Italy, commenced an attack 
upon Clusium, a city of Tuscany. The Clusians applied to the 
Romans, entreating them to send ambassadors and letters to 
the barbarians. Accordingly, they sent three illustrious per¬ 
sons of the Fabian family, who had borne the highest employ¬ 
ments in the state. The Gauls received them courteously, and 
agreed to a conference, which, however, led to no satisfactory 
result, the Gauls justifying their own attack upon Clusium by the 
conduct of the Romans in their conquests. The attack upon 

i 3 









j 90 MARCUS TURIUS CAMILLUS. 

Clusium, was therefore renewed; and the Roman ambassa¬ 
dors, in violation of the principles of international law, took 
arms in favour of the Etrurians. A principal chieftain of the 
Gauls was killed by one of them, and when ambassadors were 
sent to Rome to demand satisfaction for this injury, the people 
refused to make any concession. The Gauls, therefore, filled 
with rage, abandoned the siege of Clusium, and marched to¬ 
wards Rome with the utmost celerity. Their prodigious num¬ 
bers, their glittering arms, their fury and impetuosity, struck 
terror wherever they came ; the people gave up their lands for 
lost, not doubting but the cities would soon follow : however, 
what was beyond all expectation, they injured no man’s pro¬ 
perty : they neither pillaged the fields, nor insulted the cities ; 
and as they passed by, they cried out, “ They were going to 
Rome, they were at war with the Romans only, and considered 
all others as their friends.” While the barbarians were going 
forward in this impetuous manner, the tribunes led out their 
forces to battle, in number not inferior (for they consisted of 
40,000 foot), but the greatest part undisciplined, and such as 
had never handled a weapon before. Besides, they paid no 
attention to religion, as was their duty in time of danger, and 
before an engagement. Another thing which occasioned no small 
confusion was the number of persons joined in the command; 
whereas, before, they had often appointed for w r ars of less con¬ 
sideration a single leader, whom they call dictator, sensible of 
how great consequence it is to good order and success, at a 
dangerous crisis, to be actuated as it were with one soul, and 
to have the absolute command invested in one person. Their 
ungrateful treatment of Camillus, too, was not the least un¬ 
happy circumstance; as it now appeared dangerous for the 
generals to use their authority without some flattering indul¬ 
gence to the people. 

In this condition they marched out of the city, and en¬ 
camped about eleven miles from it, on the banks of the river 
Allia, not far from its confluence with the Tiber. There the 
barbarians came upon them, and as the Romans engaged in a 
disorderly manner, they were shamefully beaten and put to 
flight. Their left wing was soon pushed into the river, and 
there destroyed. The right wing, which quitted the field to 
avoid the charge, and gained the hills, did not suffer so much ; 
many of them escaping to Rome. The rest that survived the* 
carnage, when the enemy were satiated with blood, stole by 
night to Veii, concluding that Rome was lost, and its inhabitants 
put to the sword. 





















MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


91 


If after so decisive a battle the Gauls had immediately pur¬ 
sued the fugitives, there would have been nothing to hinder 
the entire destruction of Rome and all that remained in it, 
with such terror was the city struck at the return of those 
that escaped from the battle, and so filled with confusion and 
distraction. But the Gauls, not imagining the victory to be so 
great as it was, in the excess of their joy indulged themselves 
in good cheer, and shared the plunder of the camp ; by which 
means numbers that were for leaving the city had leisure to es¬ 
cape, and those that remained had time to recollect themselves 
and prepare for their defence ; for, quitting the rest of the city, 
they retired to the Capitol, which they fortified with strong 
ramparts and provided well with arms. 

Here also they conveyed their holy things. The vestal 
virgins, however, with the sacred fire and the most sacred of 
their treasures, fled to some of the Grecian cities. The priests 
and ancient senators retired to the forum, where, having made 
their vows to the gods, they sat themselves down in solemn 
state in their ivory curule chairs, and calmly awaited their ap¬ 
proaching fate. 

Immediately after the battle, Brennus, the leader of the 
Gauls, marched his forces on to Rome, where, finding the gate 
open and unguarded, he entered the city without opposition. 
Every place was silent and deserted, and the barbarians felt 
appalled at the deathlike solitude around ; but when they came 
to the forum and saw so many persons seated in order, whose 
age, dress, and general appearance seemed to invest them with 
a majesty almost superhuman, they took these venerable men 
for statues of the gods, and were not undeceived till Manilus 
Papirius, by striking with his ivory sceptre one of the Gauls 
who had ventured to stroke his beard, provoked the anger of 
the barbarian, and immediately with all his colleagues fell a 
victim to the merciless fury of the invaders. The slaughter of 
the senators was followed with universal pillage, murder, and 
devastation. These things took place immediately under the 
eyes of the Roman garrison, which was shut up in the Capitol ; 
a position from which the Gauls were unable to dislodge them, 
but from which famine must at length have forced them had 
their besiegers only maintained a strict blockade. The Gauls, 
however, elated with their victory and glutted with the spoils, 
abandoned themselves to carelessness and intemperance. Their 
success inspired them with such confidence, that they did not 
keep in a body, but carelessly wandered about in different 
troops and parties. It happened that the largest and best 



























MARCUS rURIUS CAMILLUS. 


92 

disciplined corps went against Ardea, where Camillus since his 
exile had lived in absolute retirement. This great event, how¬ 
ever, aroused him to action, and his mind was employed in 
contriving, not how to keep himself concealed and to avoid the 
Gauls, but, if an opportunity should offer, to attack and con¬ 
quer them. Perceiving that the Ardeans were not deficient in 
numbers, but in courage and discipline, which was owing to 
the inexperience and inactivity of their officers^he applied first 
to the young men, and told them, “ They ought not to ascribe 
the defeat of the Romans to the valour of the Gauls, or to 
consider the calamities they had suffered in the midst of their 
infatuation, as brought upon them by men who, in fact, could 
not claim the merit of the victory, but as the work of fortune. 
That it would be glorious, though they risked something by it, 
to repel a foreign and barbarous enemy, whose end, in conquer¬ 
ing was like fire, to destroy what they subdued : but that if 
they would assume a proper spirit, he would give them an 
opportunity to conquer without any hazard at all.” When he 
found the young men were pleased with his discourse, he went 
I next to the magistrates and senate of Ardeaand having per¬ 
suaded them also to adopt his scheme, he armed all that were of 
a proper age for it, and drew them up within the walls, that the 
enemy, who were but at a small distance, might not know what 
he was about. 

The Gauls having scoured the country, and loaded them¬ 
selves with plunder, encamped upon the plains in a careless and 
j disorderly manner. Night found them intoxicated with wine, 
and silence reigned in the camp. As soon as Camillus was 
! informed of this by his spies, he led the Ardeans out : and 
having passed the intermediate space without noise, he reached 
their camp about midnight. Then he ordered a loud shout to 
be set up, and the trumpets to sound on all sides, to cause the 
greater confusion : but it was with difficulty they recovered 
themselves from their sleep and intoxication. A few, whom 
fear had made sober, snatched up their arms to oppose Camillus, 
and fell with their weapons in their hands : but the greatest j 
part of them, buried in sleep and wine, were surprised unarmed, 
and easily despatched. A small number, that in the night es¬ 
caped out of the camp, and wandered in the fields, were picked 
up next day by the cavalry, and put to the sword. 

The fame of this action, soon reaching the neighbouring 
cities, drew out many of the ablest warriors, particularly those 
Romans who had colonized at Yeii. These assembling to¬ 
gether sent to Camillus, entreating him to accept the command, j 

























MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 93 

.and lead them on to the succour of their countrymen. But he 
answered, he could not do it. before he was legally appointed 
to it by the Romans in the Capitol. For he looked upon 
them, while they were in being as the commonwealth, and 
would readily obey their orders, but without them would not 
be so officious as to interpose. 

They admired the modesty and honour of Camillus, but knew 
not how to send the proposal to the Capitol. It seemed indeed 
impossible for a messenger to pass into the citadel, whilst the 
enemy were in possession of the city. However, a young 
man, named Pontius Cominius, not distinguished by his birth, 
but fond of glory, readily took upon him the commission. He 
carried no letters to the citizens in the Capitol, lest, if he 
should happen to be taken, the enemy should discover by them 
the intentions of Camillus. Having dressed himself in mean 
attire, and swimming across the river, he reached the city. 
Then avoiding those quarters where, by the lights and noise, 
he concluded they kept watch, he went to the Carmental gate, 
where there was the greatest silence, and where the hill of 
the Capitol is the steepest and most craggy. Up this he got 
unperceived, by a way the most difficult and dreadful, and ad¬ 
vanced near the guards upon the walls. After he had hailed 
them and told them his name, they received him with joy, and 
conducted him to the magistrates. 

The senate was presently assembled, and he acquainted them 
with the victory of Camillus, which they had not heard of 
before, as well as with the proceedings of the soldiers at Veii, 
and exhorted them to confirm Camillus in the command, as the 
citizens out of Rome would obey none but him. Having 
heard his report and consulted together, they declared Camiilus 
dictator, and sent Pontius back the same way he came, who 
was equally fortunate in his return ; for he passed the enemy 
undiscovered, and delivered to the Romans at Veii the decree 
of the senate, which they received with pleasure. 

Camillus, at his arrival, found 20,000 of them in arms, 
to whom he added a greater number of the allies, and 
prepared to attack the enemy. Thus was he appointed dic¬ 
tator the second time, and having put himself at the head of 
the Romans and confederates, he marched out against the 
Gauls. 

Meantime, some of the barbarians employed in the siege 
happening to pass by the place where Pontius had made his 
way by night up to the Capitol, observed many traces of his 
feet and bauds, as he had worked himself up the rock. Of 










MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS 


94 

this they informed the king, who, coming and viewing it, for 
the present said nothing ; but in the evening he assembled the 
lightest and most active of his men, who were the likeliest to 
climb any difficult height, and thus addressed them : “ The 
enemies have themselves shown us the way to reach them, of 
which we were ignorant, and have proved that this rock is 
neither inaccessible nor untrodden by human feet. What a 
shame would it be, then, after having made a beginning, not to 
finish ; and to quit the place as impregnable when the Romans 
themselves have taught us how to take it! Where it was easy 
for one man to ascend, it cannot be difficult for many to do it 
in succession : nay, should many attempt it together, they will 
find considerable advantage in assisting each other. I shall 
bestow adequate rewards and honours upon such as shall dis¬ 
tinguish themselves upon this occasion.” 

The Gauls readily embraced the king’s proposal, and about 
midnight a number of them together began to climb the rock 
in silence, which, though steep and cragg}', proved more prac¬ 
ticable than they expected. The foremost, having gained the 
top, put themselves in order, and were ready to take possession 
of the wall, and to fall upon the guards, who were fast asleep ; 
for neither man nor dog perceived their coming. However, 
there were certain sacred geese kept near Juno’s temple, and 
at other times plentifully fed ; but at this time, as corn and the 
other provisions that remained were scarce sufficient for the 
men, they were neglected and in poor condition. This animal 
is naturally quick of hearing, and soon alarmed at any noise ; 
and as hunger kept them waking and uneasy, they immediately 
perceived the coming of the Gauls, and running at them with 
all the noise they could make, they awoke all the guards. The 
barbarians now, perceiving they were discovered, advanced with 
loud shouts and great fury. The Romans in haste snatched 
up such weapons as came to hand, and acquitted themselves 
like men on this sudden emergency. First of all, Manlius, a 
man of consular dignity, remarkable for his strength and ex¬ 
traordinary courage, engaged two Gauls at once ; and as one 
of them was lifting up his battle-axe, with his sword cut off his 
right hand ; at the same time he thrust the boss of his shield in 
the face of the other, and dashed him down the precipice. 
Thus standing upon the rampart, with those that had come to 
his assistance and fought by his side, he drove back the rest of 
the Gauls that had got up, who were no great number, and 
who performed nothing worthy of such an attempt. The 
Romans, having escaped the danger that threatened them, as 










MAllCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 95 

soon as it was light threw headlong down the rock the officer 
on watch, by whose carelessness the Capitol had been so 
nearly surprised, and decreed to Manlius such honours and 
rewards as their present circumstances enabled them to bestow. 
The Gauls now began to suffer from want of provisions ; to 
which was added a pestilence arising from the effluvia occasioned 
by the unburiecl dead. 

The besieged, however, were not in a much better condition. 
Famine, which now pressed them hard, and their ignorance of 
what Camillus was doing, caused no small dejection : for the 
barbarians guarded the city with so much care, that it was im¬ 
possible to send any messenger to him. Both sides being thus 
equally discouraged, the advanced guards, who were near ; 
enough to converse, first began to talk of treating. As the 
I motion was approved bv those that had the chief direction of 
I affairs, Sulpitius, one of the military tribunes, went and con- 
I ferred with Brennus ; where it was agreed that the Romans 
should pay a thousand pounds’ weight of gold, and that the 
Gauls, upon the receipt of it, should immediately quit the 
city and its territories. When the conditions were sworn to, 
and the gold was brought, the Gauls endeavouring to avail 
themselves of false weights, privately at first, and afterwards 
openly, drew down their own side of the balance. The Romans 
expressing their resentment, Brennus, in a contemptuous and 
insulting manner, took off his sword, and threw it, belt and all, 
into the scale : and when Sulpitius asked what that meant, he 
answered, “ What should it mean but woe to the conquered ?” 
which became a proverbial saying. 

While they were thus disputing with the Gauls, Camillus 
arrived at the gates, and, being informed of what had passed, 
ordered the main body of his army to advance slowly and in 
good order, while he, with a select band, marched hastily up to 
the Romans, who all gave place, and received the dictator 
i with respect and silence. Then he took the gold out of the 
' scales and gave it to the lictors, and ordered the Gauls to take 
away the balance and the weights, and to be gone ; telling 
them, it was the custom of the Romans to deliver their country 
with steel , not with gold. And when Brennus expressed his in- 
! dignation, and complained he had great injustice done him by 
! this infraction of the treaty, Camillus answered, “ That it was 
never lawfully made : nor could it be valid without his con¬ 
sent, who was dictator and sole magistrate ; they had, therefore, 

! acted without proper authority : but they might make their 
proposals, now lie was come whom the laws had invested with 



































96 MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 

power either to pardon the suppliant, or to punish the guilty, 
if proper satisfaction was not made.’’ 

At this, Brennus was still more highly incensed, and a skir¬ 
mish ensued ; swords were drawn on both sides, and thrusts 
exchanged in a confused manner, which it is easy to conceive 
must be the case, amidst the ruins of houses and in narrow 
streets, where there was not room to draw' up regularly. Bren¬ 
nus, however, soon recollected himself, and drew off his forces 
into the camp, with the loss of a small number. In the night, 
he ordered them to march, and quit the city ; and having re¬ 
treated about eight miles from it, he encamped upon the Gabian 
road. Early in the morning, Camillus came up with them, his 
arms dazzling the sight, and his men full of spirits and fire. A 
sharp engagement ensued, which lasted a long time ; at length 
the Gauls were routed with great slaughter, and their camp 
taken. Some of those that fled were killed in the pursuit ; but 
the greater part were cut in pieces by the people in the neigh¬ 
bouring towms and villages, who fell upon them as they were 
dispersed. 

Thus was Rome strangely taken, and more strangely re¬ 
covered, after it had been seven months in the possession of 
the barbarians ; for they entered it the fifteenth of July, and 
were driven out about the thirteenth of February following. 
Camillus returned in triumph, as became the deliverer of his 
lost country, and the restorer of Rome l . 

1 The following passage from Niebuhr is too beautiful to be omitted : 
l “ The departure of the Gauls gave the Romans nothing within the city ex¬ 
cept the desolate scene of a conflagration ; and at least on the left bank of 
the Tiber it can only have been by accident, if any house in the country 
had escaped destruction. The Peloponnesians in their invasion of Attica 
left no house or tree standing wherever they marched ; and the Gauls were 
barbarians beneath whose tread every thing living perished. Ostia may have 
held out. With regard to the small Latin towns incorporated in the Roman 
territory, it is no less improbable that the Gauls should have refrained from 
attacking any place where booty was to be won, than that such places should 
have been able to resist them. The greatest part of the citizens had been 
swept away; most of the men in the prime of life fell on the Alia. An 
enormous number, including women and children, who could not effect their 
escape, must have died by the sword, or been carried into slavery by the con¬ 
querors. How is it possible to believe that the Tiber can have covered the 
territory ofVeii, at least, as long as the Gallic army kept together? and 
many of the fugitives must have been overtaken by destruction in the very 
heart of Latium. If only a portion of the objects of religious worship could 
be carried off, and it was necessary to bury the chief part of them, the quan¬ 
tity of private property saved was assuredly far less in proportion ; and the 
ransacking plunderers must have hunted out the articles buried, which were 
of greater value than the consecrated earthern vessels. The peasants on 









MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 97 

The ruined arid desolate state of the city seemed such as to 
render its restoration almost impossible, and a large number of 
| the people were desirous of removing altogether from Rome, 
and taking up their abode at Yeii. This proposal, however, 
was firmly resisted by the senate, who also, the more effectually 
to repress any popular outbreak, compelled Camillus to retain 
the office of dictator beyond the period of six months, to which 
time its duration had hitherto been limited. In the meantime, 
they endeavoured to aw'aken in the people a fitting affection for 
! the land of their fathers, by representing how inglorious it would 
be to desert the tombs of their ancestors and the temples of 
| their gods, and the spot marked out for them by prodigies and 
' omens as the seat of their destined future greatness. These 
persuasions were successful : the people commenced with ala¬ 
crity the rebuilding of their city ; but, owing to the absence of 
any settled plan, its convenience and magnificence were much 
diminished. While the Romans were thus engaged, the neigh¬ 
bouring states appear to have entered into a formidable league 
for their destruction. The iEqui, Volsci, and Latins, invaded 
their eastern and southern boundaries, and almost at the same 
| time the Tuscans laid siege to Sutrium, a town in alliance with 
i Rome on the south-west. In this emergency Camillus was for 
the third time invested with the dictatorship. He immediately 
| raised a great force, which he divided into three bodies. At the 
; head of one he himself marched against the Volsci ; the second, 

! under the command of ^Emilius Mamercinus was sent against 
| the Etrurians, and the third under Manlius Capitolinus remained 
i as a defensive force, a short distance from the citv. The Volsci, 
appalled at the rapidity with which Camillus had raised an army 
from a people whom they imagined had been entirely crushed 
bv the Gallic invasion, barricaded their intrenchments with 
trunks of trees, hoping by this means effectually to impede the 
passage of the enemy. Camillus, perceiving this, took advantage 
of the wind, which generally blew r with considerable violence at 
sunrise, and ordered lighted torches to be thrown into the Vol- 
scian fortifications, which taking fire, the Romans were enabled, 
without much difficulty, to penetrate into the camp. The Volsci 
were completely routed and their territory devastated. The 
yEqui, their neighbours, soon after experienced a similar fate, 
being entirely defeated and put to the rout by Camillus, at 

the left bank of the Tiber, even if they could save their lives, had no time 
to drive their cattle away, unless they took to flight before the battle; for 
nunediately after the victory the enemy spread over the whole country 
iround the city.” 

K 














MARCUS TURIUS CAMILLUS. 


98 

Boise. He then led his army to Sutrium, whose late he was 
not yet apprised of, and which he hoped to relieve by fighting 1 
the Tuscans who had sat down before it. But the Sutrians had 
already surrendered their town, with the loss of every thing but 
the clothes they had on ; and in this condition he met them by 
the wa} r , with their wives and children, bewailing their misfor¬ 
tunes. Camillus was extremely moved at so sad a spectacle ; 
and perceiving that the Romans wept with pity at the affecting 
entreaties of the Sutrians, he determined not to defer his re¬ 
venge, but to march to Sutrium that very day ; concluding that 
men who had just taken an opulent city, where they had not 
left one enemy, and who expcpted none from any other quarter, 
would be found in disorder and off their guard. Nor was he 
mistaken in his judgment. He not only passed through the 
country undiscovered, but approached the gates and got posses¬ 
sion of the walls before they were aware. Indeed there was 
none to guard them ; for all were engaged in festivity and dis¬ 
sipation. Nay, even when they perceived that the enemy were 
masters of the town, they were so overcome by their indul¬ 
gences, that few endeavoured to escape ; they were either slain 
in their houses, or surrendered themselves to the conquerors. 
Thus the city of Sutrium being twice taken in one day, the new 
possessors were expelled, and the old ones restored by Ca¬ 
millus. 

By the triumph decreed him on this occasion, he gained no 
less credit and honour than by the two former. For those of 
the citizens that envied him, and were desirous to attribute his 
successes rather to fortune than to his valour and conduct, were 
compelled, by these last actions, to allow his great abilities; and 
never was a triumph hailed with louder or more universal accla¬ 
mations than this, the third which he had had the honour of 
celebrating. But ho was not destined to enjoy a long repose, 
for, in the year of the city 386, an insurrection took place at 
Antium, a Yolscian city, which called for immediate suppression. 
Camillus was at that time one of the military tribunes, and such 
was the estimation in which his abilities were held, that his 
colleagues voluntarily resigned their power into his hands, thus 
constituting him in effect dictator, though the name w r as not 
bestowed. 

After a severe engagement, he took Satricum, a colony of the 
Antiates, by storm, and on his return to Rome proposed to the 
senate to make an immediate attack upon Antium, the capital 
of the Volsci; but his presence was, in the meantime, demanded 
at Satricum, which place the Etruscans had attacked, as well as 













MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 99 

Nepete, another neighbouring colony of Rome ; both these 
places ho recovered. 

It has already been noticed that envy, the usual concomitant 
of greatness, had on various occasions endeavoured to depreciate 
the services and injure the reputation of this successful com¬ 
mander. Among those that opposed him and detracted from 
his merit, the most considerable was Marcus Manlius, who was 
the first that repulsed the Gauls, when they attempted the 
Capitol by night, and on that account was surnamed Capitoli- 
nus. He was ambitious to be the greatest man in Rome, and as 
he could not by fair means outstrip Camillus in the race of 
honour, he took the common road to absolute power by court¬ 
ing the populace, particularly those that were in debt. Some of 
the latter he defended, by pleading their causes against their 
creditors ; and others he rescued, forcibly preventing their 
being dealt with according to law. So that he soon got a 
number of indigent persons about him, who became formidable 
to the patricians by their insolent and riotous behaviour in the 
forum. 

In this exigency they appointed Cornelius Cossus dictator, 
who named Titus Quintius Capitolinus his general of horse ; 
and by this supreme magistrate Manlius was committed to 
prison : on which occasion the people went into mourning ; a 
thing never used but in time of great and public calamities. The 
senate, therefore, afraid of an insurrection, ordered him to be 
released. But when set at liberty, instead of altering his con¬ 
duct, he grew more insolent, and tilled the whole city with tur¬ 
bulence and sedition ; it was therefore determined to impeach 
him, and bring him to a public trial : this taking place in the 
usual place, the forum, and within sight of the capitol, where 
the accused had, on a former occasion, so nobly distinguished 
himself, his allusions to his achievements against the Gauls so 
embarrassed the judges, that, clear as were the proofs of his 
guilt, they could not find it in their hearts to punish one who 
had so recently done such service to the state. Camillus, then 
military tribune, perceiving the cause of their hesitation, removed 
the tribunal to a grove without the gate of the city, where the 
Capitol was concealed from view. There the charge was gone 
into afresh, and the prisoner condemned upon unexceptionable 
evidence ; he was sentenced to be thrown from the rock of the 
Capitol, which was accordingly done ; and a decree was passed 
forbidding for the future any patrician to inhabit that fortress. 

A spirit of disaffection being manifested in the Latin states, 
it was determined to send a military force into those provinces, 

k 2 























100 MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 

and Camillus was nominated military tribune the sixth time: 
that honour, however, he was anxious to decline. For, besides 
that he was of an advanced age, he was apprehensive of the 
effects of envy and of some change of fortune, after so much 
glory and success. But the excuse he most insisted on in 
public was the state of his health, which at that time was in¬ 
firm. The people, however, refusing to accept of that excuse, 
cried out, “ They did not desire him to fight either on horse¬ 
back or on foot; they only wanted his counsel and his orders.” 
Thus they forced him to take the office upon him, and together 
with Lucius Furius Medullinus, one of his colleagues, to march 
immediately against the enemy. 

The temper of Furius was too impetuous to approve of the 
prudent but apparently dilatory suggestions of the skilful Camil¬ 
las ; he wished to rush into immediate action, and seems to have 
insinuated that the experienced general was jealous of the fame 
of his younger colleague. Camillus, therefore, though reluc¬ 
tantly, consented that Lucius should lead on a portion of the 
forces against the enemy, while he himself was detained in the 
camp by sickness. The rashness of Lucius brought on his own 
defeat, and his army was put to flight. Upon hearing this news, 
Camillus, unable to contain himself, leaped from his bed, and 
went with his retinue to the gates of the camp. There he 
forced his way through the fugitives up to the pursuers, and ! 
made so good a stand, that those who had fled to the camp soon 
returned to the charge, and others that were retreating rallied ! 
and placed themselves about him, exhorting each other not to 
forsake their general. Thus the enemy were stopped in the 
pursuit. Next day he marched out at the head of his army, en¬ 
tirely routed the confederates in a pitched battle, and, entering 
their camp along with them, cut most of them in pieces. 

Laden with the spoils of a successful campaign he returned 
to Rome, but shortly after his arrival, a conspiracy of the Tus- 
culans being discovered, he was again ordered to take the field, 
and having chosen Lucius for his colleague, whose former rash¬ 
ness he knew had been cured by his late misfortune, he set out 
for Tusculum. 

When the Tusculans perceived that Camillus was coming 
against them, they attempted to correct their error by artful 
management. They filled the fields with husbandmen and shep¬ 
herds, as in time of profound peace ; they left their gates open, 
and sent their children to school as before. The tradesmen 
were found in their shops employed in their respective callings, 
and the better sort of citizens walking in the public places in 




















MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


101 

their usual dress. Meanwhile the magistrates w r ere busily pass¬ 
ing to and fro, to order quarters for the Romans ; as if they 
expected no danger and were conscious of no fault. Though 
these arts could not alter the opinion Camillus had of their 
revolt, yet their repentance disposed him to compassion. He 
ordered them, therefore, to go to the senate of*Rome and beg 
pardon : and when they appeared there as suppliants, he used 
his interest to procure their forgiveness, and a grant of the privi¬ 
leges of Roman citizens besides. These were the principal ac¬ 
tions of his sixth tribuneship. 

The conclusion of this war was followed by a period of great 
turbulence. The Romans, now freed from foreign enemies, be¬ 
gan as usual to indulge in domestic feuds. The old enmity 
between the patricians and the plebeians was renewed, and an 
incident, trivial if not ridiculous in itself, served to rouse up the 
smothered flame of discontent, and produced a state of things 
almost amounting to anarchy, which continued through several 
successive years. 

A lady of plebeian rank, being on a visit to one of her sisters, 
who had married a nobleman and one of the military tribunes, 
was alarmed by the thundering knock which the lictor inflicted 
on the door of the house in order to announce his master’s re¬ 
turn. This, it appears, was a privilege of rank and state which 
no plebeian was entitled to assume. 

The noise alarmed the plebeian lady, unused to such cere¬ 
monies, whereupon her patrician sister was greatly amused, and 
laughed heartily at the ignorance of fashionable etiquette dis¬ 
played by her relative. The ridicule thus thoughtlessly inflicted, 
sunk deeply into the heart of the latter, and returning home to 
her husband, Caius Licinius Stolo, she complained to him, and 
also to her father, of the shame to which she had been subjected 
through the arrogance of the patricians. Next year her hus¬ 
band was made tribune of the people, and, urged on by his 
wife’s friends, endeavoured to pass three laws, one for the aboli¬ 
tion of debt, another for a limitation of landed estates, and a 
third providing that one of the consuls should always be of the 
plebeian order. These laws, if passed, would, it is evident, have 
quite annihilated the patrician influence, and, in fact, have 
revolutionized the state : they were, of course, vehemently op¬ 
posed by the senate, and the dispute ran so high, that the whole 
system of government was suspended, and a civil war seemed 
inevitable. After five years spent in contention, during which 
neither consuls nor military tribunes had been elected, the 
senate resolved upon appointing a dictator, and Camillus was 

k 3 































10*2 MARCUS FUIIIUS CAMILLUS. 

for the fourth time selected to fill that honourable though diffi¬ 
cult office. This, however, he soon resigned, and Publius Man¬ 
lius was appointed in his stead, who named Stolo, the author of 
the sedition, his master of the horse. Under this administration 
a law was passed limiting the landed estate of any individual to 
500 acres; a law for the transgression of which, it is remarkable, 
Stolo himself was one of the first to suffer punishment. 

Still the question respecting the election of consuls remained 
undecided, and before it could be settled the deliberations were 
interrupted by a fresh invasion of the Gauls, who were advanc¬ 
ing with rapid strides towards Rome, devastating, as usual, all 
the country which lay in their route, and such of the inhabitants 
as could not take refuge in Rome dispersed about the moun¬ 
tains. The terror of this put a stop to the sedition ; and the 
most popular of the senators, uniting with the people, with one 
voice created Camillus dictator the fifth time. Pie was now- 
very old, w-anting little of fourscore ; yet, seeing the necessity 
and danger of the times, he was willing to risk all inconve¬ 
niences, and, without alleging any excuse, immediately took 
upon him the command, and made the levies. As he knew 
the chief force of the barbarians lay in their sw-ords, w-hich they 
managed without art or skill, furiously rushing in, and aiming 
chiefly at the head and shoulders, he furnished most of his 
men with helmets of well-polished iron, that the swords might 
either break or glance aside ; and round the borders of their 
shields he drew a plate of brass, because the w-ood of itself 
could not resist the strokes. Beside this, he taught them to 
avail themselves .of long pikes, by pushing with which they 
might prevent the effect of the enemy’s swords. 

When the Gauls were arrived at the river Anio with their 
army, encumbered with the vast booty they had made, Ca¬ 
millus drew- out his forces, and posted them upon a hill of easy 
ascent, in w-hich were many hollow-s, sufficient to conceal the 
greatest part of his men, while those that w-ere in sight should 
seem through fear to have taken advantage of the higher grounds. 
And the more to fix this opinion in the Gauls, he opposed not 
the depredations committed in his sight, but remained quietly 
in the camp he had fortified, while he had beheld part of them 
dispersed in order to plunder, and part indulging themselves, 
day and night, in drinking and revelling. At last, he sent out 
the light-armed infantry before day, to prevent the enemy’s 
drawing up in a regular manner, and to harass them by sudden 
skirmishing as they issued out of their trenches ; and as soon as 
it w-as light he led down the heavy-armed, and put them in 

























MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 103 

battle array upon the plain, neither few in number nor dis¬ 
heartened, as the Gauls expected, but numerous and full of 
spirits. 

'I his was the first thing that shook their resolution, for they 
considered it as a disgrace to have the Romans the aggressors. 
Then the light-armed, falling upon them before they could get 
into order and rank themselves by companies, pressed them so 
warmly, that they were obliged to come in great confusion to 
the engagement. Last of all, Camillas leading on the heavy¬ 
armed, the Gauls, with brandished swords, hastened to fight 
hand to hand; but the Romans meeting their strokes with 
their pikes, and receiving them on that part that was guarded 
wi th iron, so turned their swords, which were thin and soft ■ 
tempered, that they were soon bent almost double ; and their 
shields were pierced and weighed down with the pikes that 
stuck in them. They, therefore, quitted their own arms, and 
endeavoured to seize those of the enemy, and to wrest their 
pikes from them. The Romans seeing them naked, now began 
to make use of their swords, and made great carnage among the 
foremost ranks. Meantime the rest took to flight, and were 
scattered along the plain; for Camillus had beforehand secured 
the heights ; and as, in confidence of victory, they had left their 
camp unfortified, they knew it would be taken with ease. 

A triumph for this victory was decreed to Camillus by the 
unanimous voices both of the senate and the people. But, 
nevertheless, as usual, the return of peace and safety brought 
with it a renewal of the long-standing disputes between the two 
great parties of the state. The people, feeling that they had 
done valiant service to the state in the late war, were now more 
clamorous than ever that one of the consuls should be chosen 
from their ranks ; but this was a concession which the senate 
were by no means disposed to grant. Camillus, like a true 
patriot, was anxious to bring this long and vexatious contest to 
an amicable conclusion, and made a vow, that in the event of 
peace being restored, he would dedicate a temple to the 
goddess of concord. At length, mild and popular counsels pre¬ 
vailed. The plebeian consulship was conceded, while, on the 
other hand, the patricians obtained a decree appointing a new 
officer called praetor, as the head of the domestic government of 
the city, who was always to be chosen from their body. Thus 
at length was peace restored, the temple of concord was erected 
and games celebrated with the utmost magnificence in com¬ 
memoration of this happy event. The consulship, after having 
been for many years in abeyance, was restored, and the people. 




























104 


MARCUS FURIUS CAMILLUS. 


so long afflicted by foreign invasions and domestic broils were 
now looking forward to a season of prosperity and tranquillity. 
In the following year, however, a new calamity made its appear¬ 
ance in the shape of a pestilence, by which a great proportion 
of the magistrates and many of the people were carried ofF. 
Amongst the number the venerable Camillus, full of years and 
glory, fell a victim to the scourge, and though he had already 
passed the usual verge of human life, yet was his decease regarded 
with more regret than that of any other citizen, a.u.c. 389, b.c. 
365. His loss, indeed, was irreparable, for he was without com¬ 
peer in whatever fortune he had been placed. Illustrious before 
his banishment, he was still more so after that event; he had 
the honour of being styled, the second founder of Rome, and 
devoted all his energies to the welfare of his country. In his 
personal character he was equally estimable ; his valour was un¬ 
mingled with rashness ; his humility in prosperity, his patience 
in adversity, his magnanimity amidst the ingratitude of his coun¬ 
trymen, his generosity to his opponents, and his religious feel¬ 
ings, mark him out as a man of extraordinary greatness and 
worth. His conduct in the great contest between the patricians 
and plebeians exhibits him as a true patriot. Superior to the 
prejudices of party, he was willing to concede a portion of the 
privileges of his own order for the sake of peace, while at the 
same time, he would not for a moment bend to the dictation of 
merely popular clamour. Throughout his whole life he appears 
to have held in deserved contempt that popularity which is 
based on a mean pandering to the ignorance and prejudice of an 
excited people, but to have pursued the even tenor of the way 
he saw to be right, amidst many trials and reproaches, till at 
length he had the satisfaction of having his integrity acknow¬ 
ledged and his virtues rewarded by universal and unbounded 
esteem. 



























PYRRHUS. 

(a.u.c. 474. b.c. 280.) 

Though not by birth a Roman, yet Pyrrhus was so intimately 
connected with Roman affairs, and that at a very important 
period in the history of the commonwealth, as to justify, or 
rather render necessary, the insertion of his name among 1 those 
contained in this volume. Pyrrhus was king of Epirus, a 
mountainous tract extending along the shores of the Adriatic, 
from the mountains of Illyricum to the Ambracian Gulf, and 
from the Ionian Sea to the borders of Thessaly. A race of 
kings who claimed descent from the renowned Achilles had for 
many ages ruled over the hardy tribes of this remote district, 
who, till the time of Arybas, the grandfather of Pyrrhus, appear 
to have been sunk in the depths of barbarism. Arybas, however, 
succeeded in introducing among his unenlightened subjects the 
customs, the learning, and the arts of Greece. His son, 
GSacidas, had the misfortune to be expelled from his throne by 
the Molossians, who also sought the destruction of his only child 
Pyrrhus. He, however, by the assistance of his friends, was 
secretly conveyed into Illyria, where he was brought up with 
the royal family of that country. At the age of twelve years, 
Pyrrhus was replaced upon the throne of his ancestors, but 
within the short period of five years he was again deposed, and 
his former rival proclaimed king. In this extremity, Pyrrhus, 
now seventeen years of age, placed himself under the protection 
of his brother-in-law, Demetrius, king of Maccdon, and, en¬ 
tering into his army, displayed a degree of strength and courage 
beyond what might have been expected at his early age. So 
greatly indeed was he esteemed, both for his public and private 
conduct, that Ptolemy, king of Egypt, gave' him in marriage his 
daughter Antigone. By the aid of his father-in-law he was 
enabled a second time to regain possession of his paternal 
kingdom. A dispute having arisen between Pyrrhus and De¬ 
metrius, king of Macedonia, the former attacked the latter, 








106 PYRRHUS. 

and drove him from his throne; but finding 1 himself unpo¬ 
pular among the Macedonians, he withdrew himself from 
the country, leaving Lysimachus, one of his allies, to enjoy 
the fruits of his conquest. This brings us to the period ! 
of his connexion with the affairs of Rome, to which especially 
the reader’s attention will be directed. After the expulsion of 
the Gauls from Rome and the rebuilding of the city, there fol¬ 
lowed a lengthened period of internal dissensions ; the result of 
which was, that the constitution of the state was to a consider¬ 
able degree remodelled, and the plebeians were admitted to fill 
most of those offices and dignities which hitherto had been con¬ 
sidered as appertaining exclusively to the patrician order. These 
changes, though at the time disagreeable to the nobility, and pro¬ 
bably productive at the time of some inconvenience, were, in the 
end, a principal cause of Rome’s subsequent greatness. The ! 
jealousies of the contending parties being removed, they applied 
their united energies for the benefit of the state ; and the conse¬ 
quence was, that in a short time the Roman republic advanced 
from a condition of secondary importance, to be one of the most 
powerful states of Italy. Their alliance was sought by all their 
surrounding neighbours, and their assistance entreated in all 
those petty wars and contests which were perpetually springing 
up among these petty principalities. One of the most consider¬ 
able of these states was that of the Samnites, who occupied a 
large tract of Central Italy to the east of the Apennines, between 
whom and the Romans a long war of sixty years’ duration took 
place. The Samnites were obliged at length to sue for peace, 
which was granted upon terms most favourable to the Roman 
interests. The eastern coast of Italy was peopled by colonies 
from Greece. Among’ the most important of the cities so 
founded was Tarentum. Between the Tarentines and the Ro¬ 
mans feelings of enmity had been engendered, which, being fos¬ 
tered by mutual insults, at length broke out into a flame of 
avowed hostility. Perceiving that they were unable of them¬ 
selves to cope with their powerful neighbours, they sent a depu¬ 
tation to Pyrrhus, soliciting his assistance, and that prince, being 
then unoccupied with any other martial enterprise, consented 
to lend it. Cineas, a Thessalian orator, a disciple of the cele¬ 
brated Demosthenes, was despatched by Pyrrhus to Tarentum 1 
with a body of troops, and the king himself shortly afterwards 
followed with additional numbers, the whole amounting to 23,000 
infantry, 3000 cavalry, 2000 archers, 500 slingers, and 20 ele¬ 
phants. Prior to setting out upon this expedition, Cineas, 
seeing Pyrrhus, intent upon his preparations for Italy, took an 
















PYRRHUS 


107 

opportunity, when he saw him at leisure, to draw him into 
the following conversation : “ The Komans have the reputa¬ 
tion of being excellent soldiers, and have the command of 
many warlike nations ; if it please Heaven that we conquer 
them, what use, sir, shall we make of our victory ?” “ Cineas,” re¬ 
plied the king, “your question answers itself. When the 
Romans are once subdued, there is no town, whether Greek or 
barbarian, in all the country, that will dare oppose us ; but we 
shall immediately be masters of all Italy, whose greatness, 
pow’er, and importance, no man knows better than you.” Cineas, 
after a short pause, continued, “ But after we have conquered 
Italy, what shall we do next, sir ?” Pyrrhus, not yet perceiving 
his drift, replied, “ There is Sicily very near, and stretches out 
her arms to receive us, a fruitful and populous island, and easy 
to be taken.” “ What you say, my prince,” said Cineas, “ is very 
probable ; but is the taking of Sicily to conclude our expedi¬ 
tions?” “Far from it,” answ’ered Pyrrhus; “for if Heaven 
grant us success in this, that success shall only be the prelude 
to greater things. Who can forbear Libya and Carthage, then 
within reach ? And when we have made such conquest, w ho 
can pretend to say, that any of our enemies, who are now so in¬ 
solent, will think of resisting us ?” “To be sure,” said Cineas, 

“ they will not ; for it is clear that so much power will enable 
you to recover Macedonia, and to establish yourself uncontested 
sovereign of Greece. But when w r e have conquered all, what 
are we to do then?” “Why, then, my friend,” said Pyrrhus 
laughing, “ w r e will take our ease, and drink and be merry.” 
Cineas, having brought him thus far, replied, “ And what hin¬ 
ders us from drinking and taking our ease now, when w r e have 
already those things in our hands, at which we propose to arrive 
through seas of blood, through infinite toils and dangers, 
through innumerable calamities which we must both cause and 
suffer ? ” 

This advice was not followed by the warlike king. He saw j 
the certain happiness which he gave up, but was not able to i 
forego hopes that flattered his desires. He therefore set forward 
upon his expedition ; the success of which at first seemed sorne- 
what doubtful, for, as soon as he reached the midst of the Ionian 
Sea, he was assailed by a violent north wdnd, w'hich was unusual 
at that season. The storm raged terribly, but by the skill and ex¬ 
traordinary efforts of his pilots and mariners his ship made the 
Italian shore, with infinite labour and beyond all expectation. 
The rest of the fleet could not hold their course, but were dis¬ 
persed far and wide. Some of the ships were quite beaten off 
































108 PYRRHUS. 

from the coast of Italy, and driven into the Libyan and Sicilian 
Sea : others, not being able to double the cape of Japygia, were 
overtaken by the night, and, a great and boisterous sea driving 
them upon a difficult and rocky shore, they were all in the utmost 
distress. The king’s ship, indeed, by its size and strength, re¬ 
sisted the force of the waves, while the wind blew from the sea ; 
but that coming about, and blowing directly from the shore, the 
ship, as she stood with her head against it, was in danger of 
opening by the shocks she received. And yet to be driven off 
again into a tempestuous sea, while the wind continually shifted 
from point to point, seemed the most dreadful case of all. In 
this extremity, Pyrrhus threw himself overboard, and was imme¬ 
diately followed by his friends and guards, who strove which 
should give him the best assistance. But the darkness of the night, 
and the roaring and resistance of the waves which beat upon 
the shore, and were driven back with equal violence, rendered 
it extremely difficult to save him. At last, by daybreak, the 
wind being considerably fallen, with much trouble he got ashore, 
greatly weakened in body, but with a strength and firmness of 
mind which bravely combated the distress. At the same time 
the Messapians, on whose coast he was cast, ran down to give 
him all the succour in their power. They also met with some 
others of his vessels that had weathered the storm, in which were 
a small number of horse, not quite 2000 foot, and two elephants. 
With these Pyrrhus marched to Tarentum. 

Upon his arrival he soon perceived that the Tarentines, so 
far from being in a condition to defend others, would not even 
defend themselves, except they were driven to it by necessity; 
and that they sat still at home, and spent their time about the 
baths or in feasting and idle talk, as expecting that he would 
fight for them ; he shut up the places of exercise and the walks, 
where they used, as they sauntered along, to conduct the war 
with words. He also put a stop to their unseasonable entertain¬ 
ments, revels, and diversions. Instead of these, he called them 
to arms, and in his musters and reviews was severe and inexor¬ 
able ; so that many of them quitted the place ; for, being unac¬ 
customed to be under command, they called that a slavery which 
was not a life of pleasure. 

In the meantime, the Romans were diligent in their prepara¬ 
tions for meeting and punishing these Grecian colonists. The 
consul Lmvinus marched with a large army into Lucania, de¬ 
vastating all the country through which he passed. The allies 
of Tarentum who had promised their assistance, held back in 
terror at the Roman name, but Pyrrhus, not daunted by the das- 


















PYRRHUS. 109 

I tardly conduct of his new confederates determined upon taking 
I the field. Rut first he sent a herald to the Romans, with pro¬ 
posals, before they came to extremities, to terminate their dif¬ 
ferences amicably with the Greeks in Italy, by taking him for 
the mediator and umpire. Laevinus answered, “ That the Ro¬ 
mans neither accepted Pyrrhus as a mediator, nor feared him as 
1 an enemy.” Whereupon, he marched forward, and encamped 
! upon the plain between the cities of Pandosia and Heraclea : and 
| having notice that the Romans were near, and lny r on the other 
side of the river Siris, he rode up to the river to take a view of 
them. When he saw the order of their troops, the appointment 
of their watches, and the regularity of their whole encampment, 
he was struck with admiration, and said to a friend who was by, 
“ Megacles, the disposition of these barbarains has nothing <3f the 
barbarian in it, we shall see whether the rest will answer it.” 
He now became solicitous for the event, and determining to 
wait for the allies, stationed outposts on the river to prevent the 
Romans from effecting a passage. This however they succeeded 
in doing, and the outposts were obliged to retreat upon the main 
j body to avoid being cut off. 

Pyrrhus, greatly concerned at this, ordered his foot-officers 
to draw up the forces, and to stand to their arms, while he 
advanced with the horse, who were about 3000, in hopes 
of finding the Romans yet busied in the passage, and dis¬ 
persed without any order. But when he saw a great 
number of shields glittering above the water, and the horse 
! preserving their ranks as they passed, he closed his own ranks 
| and began the attack. Beside his being distinguished by the 
beauty and lustre of his arms, which were of very curious fabric, 
he performed acts of valour worthy the great reputation he had 
acquired. For, though he exposed his person in the hottest 
of the engagement, and charged with the greatest vigour, 
he was never in the least disturbed, nor lost his presence of 
mind ; but gave his orders as coolly as if he had been out of the 
action, and moved to this side or that, as occasion required, to sup¬ 
port his men where he saw them maintaining an unequal fight. 

The fortune of the day seemed evidently inclining to 
the Roman side, when Pyrrhus ordered his infantry to ad¬ 
vance, and after seven unsuccessful attempts, at length re¬ 
ceived the reward of his heroic valour, by driving the Romans 
from the field, after an immense slaughter on both sides had 
taken place. 

The Romans being obliged to abandon their camp, it was 
seized upon by Pyrrhus, who also gained over many of the 

L 



















110 PYRRHUS. 

cities in alliance with Rome, and lay waste the territories 
of others ; he then marched on till he came to Prasneste, within 
twenty-three miles of the city itself. His situation was, however, 
by no means satisfactory ; his victory had been dearly purchased 
by the loss of his best generals and the flower of his army ; he 
was in the midst of a hostile territory, at a distance from the * 
coast, and unable to repose any confidence in the fidelity of his 
recently made allies. Moreover, the Romans, by no means dis¬ 
couraged on account of their recent defeat, were actively em¬ 
ployed in raising a fresh army, and struck with amazement the 
victorious King of Epirus, by the menaces they conveyed to 
him. Under all these circumstances, therefore, he perceived I 
that it would be to his advantage to negotiate a peace. Accord¬ 
ingly he sent his old friend and adviser Cineas, to endeavour to 
make some satisfactory arrangement. The terms he offered 
were extremely favourable,—the release of all the prisoners with¬ 
out ransom, and assistance to the Romans in the conquest of Italy. 
And at first the Roman senate seemed inclined to turn a favour¬ 
able ear to these proposals. The question was, however, de- | 
cided by the speech of Appius Claudius, a man held in universal j 
esteem for his talents and probity, but whose advanced age and 
want of sight, had for some time past prevented him from taking 
an active part in political matters. But when he heard of the 
embassy from Pyrrhus, and of the inclination of the senate to 
enter into a treaty of peace, he was unable to contain himself, 
but ordered his servants to carry him in his chair to the senate 
house. Where being received with respectful silence, ho told j 
the fathers, that whereas he had hitherto lamented his blindness 
as a misfortune, his only regret at present was, that he was not 
deaf also : he then at considerable length reproached them for j 
their pusillanimity, and that in terms so forcible that at the con¬ 
clusion of his address there was an immediate shout for the con¬ 
tinuance of the war, and Cineas was dismissed with the answer 
that Pyrrhus must first retire from Italy, before the senate 
would condescend to open any negotiation with him, and that so 
long as ho continued in that country the Romans would persist 
in maintaining war against him. 

During the entire period of their history the character of the 
Romans never displayed so much of interest and excellence as 
now, and formed a noble contrast to the state of dissolute¬ 
ness and effeminacy to which the Greeks were now r reduced. 
Cineas, the ambassador of Pyrrhus, was greatly struck with the 
manner of the senate, which, said he to his master, “ appears to 
me like an assembly of kings, and the numbers of warlike men 

















PYRRHUS. 


Ill 

are so great that the loss they have recently experienced seems 
as nothing to them.” 

The Romans, though they refused to make a peace, yet 
were desirous of procuring an exchange of prisoners, and to 
effect this they sent Fabricius, a man of great worth and 
probity, hut extremely poor. Pyrrhus received him with 
particular distinction, and privately offered him gold ; not for 
any base purpose ; but he begged him to accept of it as a 
pledge of friendship and hospitality. Fabricius refusing the 
present, Pyrrhus pressed him no farther; but the next day 
wanting to surprise him, and knowing that he had never seen 
an elephant, he ordered the biggest he had, to be armed 
and placed behind a curtain in the room where they were i 
to be in conference. Accordingly this was done, and upon a 
sign given, the curtain drawn ; and the elephant raising his 
trunk over the head of Fabricius, made a horrid and frightful 
noise. Fabricius turned about without being in the least discom- I 
posed, and said to Pyrrhus smiling, “ Neither your gold yester- 
! day, nor your beast to-day, has made any impression upon me.” 

In the evening, the conversation at table turned upon many 
subjects, but chiefly upon Greece and the Grecian philosophers. 
This led Cineas to mention Epicurus, and to give some account of 
the opinions of his sect concerning the gods and civil government. 
He said, they placed the chief happiness of man in pleasure, and 
avoided all concern in the administration of affairs as the bane of a 
i happy life ; and that they attributed to the Deity neither benevo¬ 
lence nor anger, but maintained, that,far removed from the care of 
human affairs, he passed his time in ease and inactivity, and was 
! totally immersed in pleasure. While he was yet speaking, Fa¬ 
bricius cried out, O heavens! may Pyrrhus and the Samnites 
adopt these opinions as long as they are at war with the Romans!” 
Pyrrhus admiring the noble sentiments and principles of Fabri¬ 
cius, was more desirous than ever of establishing a friendship 
with Rome, instead of continuing the war : and taking Fabricius 
aside, he pressed him to mediate a peace, and then go and settle 
at his court, where he should be his most intimate companion, 
and the chief of his generals. Fabricius answered in a low voice, 

“ That, sir, would be no advantage to you : for those who now 
honour and admire you, should they once have experience of 
me, would rather choose to be governed by me than you.” Such 
was the character of Fabricius. 

Pyrrhus, far from being offended at this answer, or taking it 
like a tyrant, made his friends acquainted with the magnanimity 
of Fabricius, and entrusted the prisoners to him only, on condi- 

l 2 












112 PYRRHUS. 

tion that if the senate did not agree to a peace, they should be 
sent back, after they had embraced their relations, and celebrated 
the Saturnalia. 

After this, Fabricius being consul, an unknown person came 
to his camp, with a letter from the king’s physician, who offered 
to take off Pyrrhus by poison, and so end the war without any » 
further hazard to the Romans, provided that they gave him a 
proper compensation for his services. Fabricius detested the 
man’s villainy ; and, having brought his colleague into the same 
sentiments, sent dispatches to Pyrrhus without losing a moment’s 
time, to caution him against the treason. 

Pyrrhus having detected the treason, punished the physician ; 
and, to show his gratitude to Fabricius and the Romans, he de¬ 
livered up the prisoners without ransom, and sent Cineas again 
to negotiate a peace. The Romans, unwilling to receive a 
favour from an enemy, or a reward for not consenting to an ill 
thing, did indeed receive the prisoners at his hands, but sent 
him an equal number of Tarentines and Samnites. As to peace 
and friendship, they would not hear any proposals about it, till 
Pyrrhus should have laid down his arms, drawn his forces out of 
Italy, and returned to Epirus in the same ships in which he came. 

Pyrrhus still refusing to accede to these conditions, a second 
battle took place near Asculum, the accounts given of which 
are so various, that little can with certainty be ascertained re¬ 
specting it. If not strictly a drawn battle, it appears to have 
terminated rather in favour of Pyrrhus ; and this success seems 
to have been rather owing to the elephants—animals with which 
the Romans were but little acquainted, and who caused great 
terror and confusion in their ranks. This victory, however, was 
no great source of congratulation to Pyrrhus, for when the number 
of the slain was reported to him, being on both sides about 15,000 
men, he exclaimed, “ Another such victory and we are undone !” 
for he had lost great part of the forces which he brought with 
him, and all his friends and officers except a small number. He had 
no others for whom he might send, and his confederates were 
cold and spiritless. The Romans, on the other hand, could im¬ 
mediately replenish their army from their almost inexhaustible 
resources at Rome. Affairs being in this state, Pyrrhus came to 
the resolution of abandoning his Italian campaign, and having 
received an invitation from the Sicilians to assist them in expel¬ 
ling the Carthaginians out of that island, he decided upon acced¬ 
ing to their request, and embarked for Sicily, after having spent 
two years and four months in Italy. In this his new campaign 
ho met with large success. The Carthaginians withdrew their 



















PYRRHUS. 113 

forces from Syracuse, and almost all the towns of Sicily opened 
their gates to receive him. The Carthaginians were at length 
reduced to the possession of Lilybaeum only, where they forti¬ 
fied themselves, and were besieged by Pyrrhus. The siege 
proved long and ineffectual, and Pyrrhus resolved upon making 
a diversion by withdrawing his forces and making an attack upon 
the coast of Africa. Here, however, his scverit} r against the 
Sicilian Greeks, and his evident distrust of them, gave great of- 
j fence, and caused a considerable revolt in favour of the Cartha¬ 
ginians. At this critical moment Pyrrhus received information 
that the garrison which he had left at Tarentum was no longer 
able to hold out against the Romans, and he gladly seized the 
opportunity thus afforded to him, ofleaving Sicily and returning 
j to Italy. His voyage was not a prosperous one. The Cartha- 
J ginians attacked and took several of his ships ; and after he had 
landed he was much harassed by the Mamertines, who cut off a 
great portion of his rear. But he immediately pushed from the 
van to their assistance, and risked his person in the boldest man¬ 
ner, against men trained by long practice to war, who fought 
with a spirit of resentment. In this dispute he received a wound 
in the head, which forced him to retire a little out of the battle, 
and animated the enemy still more. One of them, therefore, 
who was distinguished both by his size and arms, advanced be¬ 
fore the lines, and with a loud voice called upon him to come 
forth if he was alive. Pyrrhus, incensed at this, returned with 
his guards, and with a visage so fierce with anger, and so be¬ 
smeared with blood, that it was dreadful to look upon, made his 
way through his battalions, notwithstanding their remonstrances. | 
Thus rushing upon the barbarian, he prevented his blow, and 
gave him such a stroke on the head with Vis sword, that, with , 
the strength of his arm, and the excellent temper of the weapon, j 
he cleaved him quite down, and in one moment the parts fell 
asunder. The achievement stopped the course of the barbarians, 
who were struck with admiration and amazement at Pyrrhus, as j 
at a superior being. He made the rest of his march, therefore, j 
without disturbance, and arrived at Tarentum with 20.000 foot 
and 3000 horse. Then taking with him the best troops that he 
found there, he advanced immediately against the Romans, wdio 
w r ere encamped in the country of the Samnites. 

The two consuls were at this time encamped with separate 
divisions of the army at a considerable distance from each other, 
and the only chance for Pyrrhus w r as to attack one of them be¬ 
fore his colleague should be able to join him. He therefore 
hastened to Beneventum, where Manius Curius was safely in¬ 
i'., 3 




























114 PYRRHUS. 

trenched, taking with him the most skilful and warlike of his 
troops and his strongest elephants, and pushed forward, in the 
| night to surprise his camp. But as he had a long circuit to take, 

1 and the roads were entangled with trees and bushes, his lights 
; failed, and numbers of his men lost their way. Thus the night 
escaped. At daybreak he was discovered by the enemy de-* 
i scending from the heights, which caused no small disorder in 
their camp. Manius, however, finding the sacrifices auspicious 
j and the time pressing, issued out of his trenches, attacked the 
vanguard of the enemy, and put them to flight. This spread a 
consternation through their whole army, so that many of them 
were killed, and some of the elephants taken. On the other 
hand, the success led Manius to try a pitched battle. Engaging, 
therefore, in the open field, one of his wings defeated that of the 
enemy’s ; but the other was borne down by the elephants, and 
driven back to the trenches. In this exigency he called for 
those troops that were left to guard the camp, who were all fresh 
men and well armed. These, as they descended from their ad- 
vantageous situation, pierced the elephants with their javelins, 
and forced them to turn their backs ; and those creatures rush¬ 
ing upon their own battalions, threw them into the greatest con¬ 
fusion and disorder. This put the victory in the hands of the 
Romans, and empire together with the victory. For, bv the 
courage exerted, and the great actions performed this day, they 
acquired a loftiness of sentiment, and enlargement of power, with 
the reputation of being invincible, which soon gained them all 
Italy, and Sicily a little after. 

Thus Pyrrhus fell from his hopes of Italy and Sicily, after he 
had wasted six years in these expeditions. It is true lie was not 
[ successful; but amiclSt all his defeats he preserved his courage 
! unconquerable, and was reputed to excel, in military experience, 
i j and personal prowess, all the princes of his time. But what he 
| gained by his achievements, he lost by vain hopes ; his desire of 
something absent, never suffered him effectually to persevere in 
a present pursuit. Hence it was that Antigonus compared him 
to a gamester, who makes many good throws with the dice, but 
does not know how to use them to advantage. He returned to 
I Epirus with 8000 foot, and 5000 horse, but not having funds 
! wherewith to maintain them, he was driven to the expedient of 
seeking for some fresh martial employment for them. He, there¬ 
fore, took advantage of the state of affairs in Asia, where a nu¬ 
merous body of emigrants from Gaul gave great annoyance to 
the Grecian colonies in those parts. These intruders were also 
busily employed in ravaging Macedonia and the northern parts 

























PYRRHUS. 115 

of Greece, and as Pyrrhus had himself long entertained designs 
upon those countries, he joined himself to the Gauls, and became 
their leader in the attack upon Antigonus, at that time the ruler 
of Macedonia. After a sharp engagement in a narrow mountain 
pass, Pyrrhus succeeded in routing the Macedonian forces ; and 
thus he who had entered the country merely upon a predatory 
excursion to procure subsistence for his troops, became, by a 
sudden turn of fortune, master of that territory to the possession 
of which he had from his youth aspired. Had Pyrrhus pos¬ 
sessed judgment and discretion at all equal to his valour, he 
would now have turned his attention to the welfare of his newly 
acquired subjects, and promoted the stability of his kingdom by a 
conciliatory policy towards them. War, however, seemed to be 
the only employment congenial to his disposition, and he was, 
therefore, speedily called otf from the regulation of the affairs of 
Macedonia by a proposal from Cleonymus, a Spartan of the blood 
royal, but not much esteemed, to assist him in his endeavours to 
expel Areus from the throne of Laconia. The motives which 
induced Pyrrhus to listen to this proposal were evidently per¬ 
sonal and not patriotic. Though he professed that the object 
of his coming was to restore liberty to the oppressed, yet no 
sooner had he obtained a footing in the country than he began 
to plunder and ravage it in every direction, and in this hostile 
manner advanced towards the capital, his forces consisting of 
25,000 infantry, 2000 cavalry, and 44 elephants. 

The city of Sparta was at this time in a most defenceless 
state. Areus, the king, was in Crete, and the approach of the 
enemy had been so rapid that the Spartans were completely 
iaken by surprise. Had Pyrrhus, as advised by Cleonymus, 
made an immediate attack, he would in all probability have taken 
the city with but little trouble or loss ; but his contempt for its 
J weakness was the safety of Sparta. He determined to wait till 
tlie following day, and in the mean time to pass the night in 
conviviality with his friends. 

The Spartans, however, made the best use of this interval; 
and the women, whom they had proposed to remove for safety 
into Crete, proved the saviours of their country. They deter¬ 
mined to draw a trench parallel to the enemy’s camp, and at 
each end of it to sink waggons into the ground as deep as the 
naves of the wheels, that so being firmly fixed, they might stop 
the course of the elephants. As soon as the work was begun, both 
matrons and maids came and joined them ; the former with 
their robes tucked up, and the latter in their under garments 
only, to assist the older sort of men. They advised those that 



















116 PYRRHUS. 

were intended for the fight, to repose themselves, and in the 
mean time they undertook to finish the third part of the trench, 
which they effected before morning. This trench was in 
breadth six cubits, in depth four, and eight hundred feet long. 

In the morning Pyrrhus pressed forward with his infantry 
against the Spartans, who waited for him under a rampart of 
shields. But, besides that the ditch was scarce passable, he 
found that there was no firm footing on the sides of it for his 
soldiers, because of the looseness of the fresh earth. His son 1 
Ptolemy seeing this, fetched a compass about the trench with 
two thousand Gauls and a select body of Chaonians, and en¬ 
deavoured to open a passage on the quarter of the waggons. ( 
But these were so deep fixed and close locked, that they not 
only obstructed their passage, but made it difficult for the 
Spartans to come up and make a close defence. The Gauls 
were now beginning to drag out the wheels and draw the 
waggons into the river, when young Acrotatus perceiving the 
danger, traversed the city with 300 men, and by the advantage i 
of some hollow ways surrounded Ptolemy, not being seen till he 
began the attack upon his rear. Ptolemy was now forced to 
face about and stand upon the defensive. In the confusion many 
of his soldiers running foul upon each other, either tumbled into 
! the ditch, or fell under the waggons. At last, after a long dis- 
i pute and great effusion of blood, they were entirely routed. 
The result was that Ptolemy was slain, and a long 1 and most sail- 
guinary conflict having ensued, in which the Spartan forces were 
opportunely re-inforced by the arrival of Corinthian allies, 
Pyrrhus was at length compelled to retire, and withdrew to 
Argos, which was then harassed by two contending factions, one 
headed by Aristeus, who called Pyrrhus to his assistance, while i 
the other, Aristippus, sought the protection of Antigonus. The 
Argives besought both parties to retire, and leave the citizens 
to settle their own affairs ; to this both gave consent, and An- | 
tigonus fulfilled his promise, but Pyrrhus still continued beneath 
the walls of the city. In the dead of the night he commenced 
his meditated attack, when he hoped to take by surprise the 
citizens, who supposed he had withdrawn or was about to with¬ 
draw his forces. The gate was open, and a portion of his forces 
had advanced as far as the forum before their entry was per¬ 
ceived ; but the gates not being high enough to admit of the 
passage of the elephants, it was necessary to remove the towers 
from the backs of those animals, which causing some noise the 
city was aroused. An alarm was given, and the Argives took 
refuge in their citadel called Aspis, and other strongholds of 



















PYRRHUS. 1 I 7 

the city ; and also sent to entreat the return of Antigonus, who 
speedily sent considerable succours. At the same time Arcus 
with 1000 Cretans arrived, and all their troops joining together 
attacked the Gauls with great energy and success. Pyrrhus 
himself up to this time remained near the gate, directing the 
entry of the troops ; but hearing certain shouts from his Gaulish 
soldiers within, indicative as he thought of distress, he advanced in 
great haste, pushing forward his cavalry, though they marched 
in danger, by reason of the drains and sewers of which the city 
j was full. Besides, in this nocturnal war, it was impossible either 
to see w r hat was done, or to hear the orders that were given. 
The soldiers were scattered about, and lost their way among the 
narrow streets ; nor could the officers rally them in that dark¬ 
ness, amidst such a variety of noises, and in such strait passages ; 
so that both sides continued without doing any thing, and waited 
for daylight. 

At the first dawn Pyrrhus was concerned to see the Aspis 
full of armed men ; but his concern was changed into conster¬ 
nation, when among the many figures in the market-place he be¬ 
held a wolf and a bull in brass represented in act to fight. For 
he recalled an old oracle which had foretold, “ That it was his 
destiny to die when he should see a wolf encountering a bull.” 
Quite dispirited at the sight, and perceiving at the same time 
that nothing succeeded according to his hopes, he thought it 
best to retreat. Fearing that the gates w'ere too narrow, he 
sent orders to his son Helcnus, who was left with the main body 
without the town, to demolish part of the wall, and assist the re¬ 
treat, if the enemy tried to obstruct it. But the person whom 
he sent, mistaking the order in the hurry and tumult, and deli¬ 
vering it quite in a contrary sense, the young prince entered the 
! gates with the rest of the elephants and tho best of his troops, 
and marched to assist his father. Pyrrhus was now retiring ; 
and w hile the market-place afforded room both to retreat and 
fight, he often faced about and repulsed the assailants. But 
when from that broad place he came to crowd into the narrow 
street leading to the gate, he fell in with those who vrere advanc¬ 
ing to his assistance. It was in vain to call out to them to fall 
back : there were but few that could hear him ; and such as did 
hear, and w r ere most disposed to obey his orders, were pushed 
back by those who came pouring in behind. Besides, the largest 1 
of the elephants was fallen in the gateway on his side, and lying 
there and braying in a horrible manner, he stopped those who 
would have got out. And among the elephants already in the 
town, one named Nicon, striving to take up his master who was 















118 PYRRHUS. 

fallen off wounded, rushed against the party that was retreating, 
and overturned both friends and enemies promiscuously till he 
found the body. Then he took it up with his trunk, and carry¬ 
ing it on his two teeth, returned in great fury, and trod down 
all before him. When they were thus pressed and crowded to¬ 
gether, not a man could do any thing singly, but the whole mul¬ 
titude, like one close compacted body, rolled this way and that 
all together. The}'- exchanged but few blows with the enemy 
either in front or rear, and the greatest harm they did was to 
themselves. For if any man drew his sword or levelled his pike, 
he could not recover the one or put up the other ; the next 
person, therefore, whoever he happened to be, was necessarily 
wounded, and thus many of them fell by the hands of each 
other. 

Pyrrhus, seeing the tempest rolling about him, took off the 
plume with which his helmet was distinguished, and gave it to 
one of his friends. Then trusting to the goodness of his horse, 
he rode in amongst the enemy who were harassing his rear ; and 
it happened that he was wounded through the breast-plate with 
a javelin. The wound was rather slight than dangerous, but he 
turned against the man who gave it, w r ho was an Argive man of 
no note, the son of a poor old woman. This woman, among 
others, looking upon the fight from the roof of a house, beheld 
her son thus engaged. Seized with terror at the sight, she took 
up a large tile with both hands, and threw it at Pyrrhus. The 
tile fell upon his head, and notwithstanding his helmet, crushed 
the lower vertebrae of his neck. Darkness, in a moment, covered 
his eyes, his hands let go the reins, and he fell from his horse by 
the tomb of Licymnius. The crowd that was about him did 
not know him, but one Zopyrus who served under Antigonus, and 
two or three others coming up, knew him and dragged him into 
a porch that was at hand, just as he w as beginning to recover from 
the blow r . Zopyrus had draw'n his Illyrian blade to cut off his 
head, when Pyrrhus opened his eyes, and gave him so fierce a 
look, that he was struck with terror. His hands trembled, and 
between his desire to give the stroke, and the confusion he w r as 
in, he missed his neck, but wounded him in the mouth and chin, 
so that it was a long time before he could separate the head from 
the body. 

By this time the thing was generally known, and Alcyoneus, 
the son of Antigonus, came hastily up, and asked for the head, 
as if he wanted only to look upon it. But as soon as he had 
got it he rode off with it to his father, and cast it at his feet as 
he was sitting with his friends. Antigonus looking upon the 


























PYRRHUS. 


119 

head, and knowing’ it, thrust his son from him ; and struck him 
with his staff, calling him an impious and barbarous wretch. 
Then covering his face with his robe he wept in remembrance 
of the similar fates of his own grandfather and father, Anti- 
gonus and Demetrius. He ordered a sumptuous funeral to be 
celebrated for his deceased antagonist, and received his son 
Helenus into his favour and friendship. 

Such was the end of Pyrrhus ; a fate strikingly similar to that 
of Abimelech h All ancient authors agree in praising his war- 

1 Recorded in Judges ix. 53. “Then went Abimelech to Tlicbez, 
and encamped against Tlicbez, and took it. But there was a strong tower 
within the city, and thither fled all the men and women, and all they of the 
city, and shut it to them, and gat them up to the top of the tower. And 
Abimelech came unto the tower, and fought against it, and went hard 
unto the door of the tower to burn it with fire. And a certain woman cast 
| a piece of a millstone upon Abimelech’s head, and all to brake his skull. 
Then he called hastily unto the young man his armour bearer, and said 
unto him, Draw thy sword, and slay me, that men say not of me, A woman 
slew him. And his young man thrust him through, and he died.” It Avill 
be remembered that it was a disgiace to be killed by a woman ; on this 
account Seneca, the tragedian, thus deplores the death of Hercules :—“ O 
turpe fatum ! foemina Herculeae necis auctor fertur.” (O dishonourable fate ! 
a woman is reported to have been the author of the death of Hercules.) 
Abimelech might also have been afraid that if he fell thus mortally wounded 
into the hands of his enemies, they might treat him with cruelty and insult. 
Upon the death of Pyrrhus Dr. Langhorne remarks, there is something 
strikingly contemptible in the fate of this ferocious warrior. What reflexions 
may it not furnish to those scourges of mankind, who, in order to extend their 
power and gratify their pride, tear out the vitals of human society ! How 
unfortunate that they do not recollect their own insignificance, and consider 
Avhile they are disturbing the peace of the earth that they are beings Avhom 
an old Avoman may kill Avith a stone ! It is impossible here to forget the 
obscure fate of Charles XII., or the following verses that describe it, 
extracted from Johnson’s “ Vanity of Human Wishes,” but too charac¬ 
teristic of the views and conduct of Buonaparte :— 

“ On what foundation stands the warrior’s pride, 

Hoav just his hopes, let Swedish Charles decide; 

A frame of adamant, a soul of fire, 

No dangers fright him and no labours tire ; 

O’er love, o’er fear, extends his wide domain, 

Unconquered lord of pleasure and of pain : 

No joys to him pacific sceptres yield : 

War sounds the trump, he rushes to the field. 

Behold surrounding kings their power combine, 

And one capitulate and one resign. 

Peace courts his hand, but spreads her charms in vain : 

‘ Think nothing gained ’ he cries, ‘ till nought remain ; 

On Moscoav’s walls till Gothic standards fly, 

And all be mine beneath the polar sky.’ [The 





















120 ryititntfs. 

like skill. His personal strength was great ; his power of en¬ 
during fatigue almost inexhaustible. His ambitioq was rather 
to acquire than preserve, and this led him to neglect the 1 
improvement of his successes. He has been censured for a 
barbarous ferocity of temper, but the accusation appears to be 
not thoroughly sustained. He was magnanimous to his enemies. 
He could bear the reproof of his friends. He could admire the ; 
severe probity of the Roman. He was also a man of greater 
literary 2 attainments than was common among military men ol 
his time ; and he left some works behind him which have not, 

| however, descended to our days. He died b.c. 273, in the 46th 
; year of his age. 


The march begins in military state, 

And nations on his eye suspended "wait. 

Stern famine guards the solitary coast 
And winter barricades the realms of frost. 

He comes : not want and cold his course delay-— 

Hide blushing glory, hide Pultowa’s day ! 

The vanquished hero leaves his broken bands, 

And shows his miseries in distant lands ; 

Condemned a needy suppliant to wait, 

While ladies interpose and slaves debate. 

But did not chance at length her error mend ? 

Did no subverted empire mark his end ? 

Did rival monarchs give the fatal wound? 

Or hostile millions press him to the ground? 

His fall was destined to a barren strand, 

A petty fortress, and a dubious hand. 

He left the name at which the world grew' pale, 

To point a moral or adorn a tale.” 

2 What the literature of Rome was at this period we have not the means 
of ascertaining. Brief dry chronicles of public events were kept; the 
funeral orations made over men of rank were preserved by their families. 

A moral poem made by Appius Claudius the blind, and his speech against 
peace with Pyrrhus, were extant in Cicero’s days. Cato and Varro say, that 
it was the custom of the Romans to sing at their banquets old songs con¬ 
taining the praises of illustrious men of former times. It is the opinion of 
Niebuhr, that the poems from which he supposes the history of the kings 
and of the early days of the republic to have been framed, were the pro- | 
duction of plebeian poets, and composed after the capture of the city by 
the Gauls : the middle of the fifth century, which was the golden age of 
Roman art, he thinks may also have been that of Roman poetry. The 
measure in which the Romans composed their poems, and which is named 
Saturnian verses, continued to be used to the middle of the seventh century 
of the city; but v T e have very few specimens of it remaining, and its nature 
is but imperfectly understood. 





































FABIUS MAXIMUS. 

a.u.c. 547. e.c. 207. 


The family of the Fabii was one of great antiquity and distinc¬ 
tion. It traced its origin to one of the Sabine nobles whom 
Romulus incorporated in the number of the patricians of his 
infant state. In almost constant succession from the establish¬ 
ment of the consular government, some one or more of the 
great offices of state had been held by members of this noble 
family. The subject of the present brief account was surnamed 
Verrucosus from a small wart on his lip ; these additions to the 
famil y name being frequently taken from some peculiarity in the ! 
personal appearance of the individual, which served to distin¬ 
guish him from others of the same family b As a child, he was 
remarkable for the meekness and gravity of his disposition, 
which qualities caused him to be sometimes known by the name 
of Agnicula, or the little sheep. When he engaged in the diver¬ 
sions of his schoolfellows, it was with much caution and delibe¬ 
ration, and he seemed deficient in the spirit necessary to free 
himself from the petty impositions of his companions, as also 
deficient in quickness of intellect to profit by the instructions of 
his preceptors. This dulness, however, was only in appear¬ 
ance ; and deeper observers perceived that the composure of his 
demeanour was owing to the reflective nature of his disposition, 
and they also discovered that when roused into action, he was 
possessed of undoubted courage and magnanimity. His conduct 
upon his first entrance into public life fully justified these 
opinions ; it was soon made evident that his gravity was pro¬ 
duced by the command he had acquired over his passions—that 
his cautiousness was prudence—and what had passed for heavi¬ 
ness and insensibility, was in fact only the result of an immov¬ 
able firmness of mind. He was deeply impressed with the 
responsibility attached to political stations, and of the importance 

1 As for example : Cicero, so called from “cicer,” a vetch. Strabo was a 
cognomen, first applied to those whose eyes were distorted. Varro derived 
his name from a distortion of the legs. 

M 






























122 


FABIUS MAXIMUS 


of preparing himself for that state of warfare w hich seemed to be 
the natuial element of the Roman citizen. He therefore dili¬ 
gently applied himself to every exercise calculated to strengthen 
| and harden the bodily frame, and also to the study of eloquence, 

; as the means of gaining influence over the minds of the people. 
The style of his public speaking was remarkable for its solidity , 
and sententiousness, and the absence of all rhetorical declama¬ 
tion, his object being to convince and persuade, rather than to 
i excite and inflame the assemblies he addressed. 

Of his personal history we have but little recorded till the 
year of Rome, 521, when he was raised to the dignity of the 
! ] consulship, and was honoured with a triumph, on account of his 
1 successes against the Ligurians, a people of North Italy, on 
! what is now the Gulf of Genoa. 

After this period, also, we again lose sight of him for several 
years, which will alford us an opportunity of very briefly review¬ 
ing the course of Roman affairs in the meantime. The death 
of Pyrrhus took place u.c. 482, b.c. 272, at which time the Ro- | 
| mans had practically become the masters of nearly all Italy. It 
is true they did not profess to hold a sovereign authority over 
all the neighbouring states—some were allies or confederates, 
and permitted to enjoy their own laws—some were admitted 
into the lull privileges of Roman citizenship ; some were colo¬ 
nies peopled by Roman emigrants, and others were actual sub r 
jects and tributaries. But whatever the designation might be, 
they were in fact under the complete direction and controul of 
Rome. 

Whether w r e are to attribute it to a refined depth of policy, 
or to a barbaric thirst after war and conquest, it is a fact, that 
the master spirits of the republic could never let her enjoy any 
long period of peace and tranquillity, but were incessantly urg¬ 
ing her on to fresh enterprises. Italy being subdued, a new' 
scene of warfare was sought for, and Sicily soon presented the 
opportunity wished for. At this period that island was divided 
between the Greek colonies, who held the eastern coast under 
the dominion of the king of Syracuse, and the Carthaginians, 
who occupied the western portion. 

The Carthaginians were, the reader need scarcely be in¬ 
formed, of Phoenician origin; and being driven from Tyre, had 
many ages ago founded a settlement on the northern coast of 
Africa, w'here they, in course of time, grew to be a great and 
powerful nation, being especially distinguished for their skill in 
navigation. The voyage to Sicily was not a long one, and there¬ 
fore it is not surpising that colonies from Carthage should settle 

























FABIUS MAXIMUS. 123 

themselves in that fertile island. The islands of Sardinia and 
Corsica were also held by them, and they had long been in 
alliance with the Tuscans, some of the earliest enemies of 
Rome. 

Long and destructive wars had taken place between the 
Sicilian Greeks and the Carthaginians, and we have already seen 
Pyrrhus called in to aid the former. 

About ten years after the death of Pyrrhus, these contentions 
still continuing, a mercenary band of Campanian soldiers, who 
called themselves Mamertines, had taken possession of Mes- 
sena ; and when this action was revenged by Hiero, king of 
Syracuse, who defeated them in a battle, they called in the 
assistance of the Carthaginians, and gave up to that people the 
garrison of Messena. This, however, was not the act of all of 
them. Others sought the assistance of Rome, and the Romans, 
dreading the increase of the Carthaginian power, agreed to assist 
the Mamertines. The result was, that the Romans and Car¬ 
thaginians became involved in a long war for the possession of 
Sicily, which lasted twenty-four years, and is known by the 
name of the first Punic war. After a great number of engage¬ 
ments by sea and land, the Romans compelled the Carthaginians 
to sue for peace, which was granted on terms highly favourable 
to the former, who had now not only greatly extended their 
political influence, but had obtained a knowledge of naval tactics, 
of which before they were entirely ignorant, which promised to 
be the means of effecting future conquests and glory. 

This war was followed by a state of profound peace, which 
continued for six years, in which the temple of Janus was shut 
for the second time since the formation of the city. This in¬ 
terval of repose w r as improved by the Romans in cultivating the 
arts of civilization, in which they had heretofore been deficient. 
It was now that they began to study and imitate the works, 
literary and artistical, of the Grecian masters. Poetry, painting 1 , 
and sculpture began to attract the attention of this hitherto ex¬ 
clusively warlike nation, and Rome gave the promise of soon 
attaining as great a reputation for elegance and refinement, as 
I she had already acquired for sturdy valor and uncompromising 
integrity. Such a state of tranquillity could not be expected 
j to be of long duration. Accordingly, contests of minor import- 
I ance sprung up, chiefly with the Gauls, who inhabited the Alpine 
country of Northern Italy, and for the victory over one of 
which people we have already seen Fabius honoured with a 
triumph. In these contests, also, the Roman general Marcellus 
acquired great renown, having with his own hand killed Virido- 

m 2 


























FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


124 

manis, the king, and thus gained the third royal spoils which 
had ever yet been obtained at Rome. 

The Carthaginians dissatisfied with the terms upon which 
they had made peace with the Romans, took the first oppor¬ 
tunity which presented itself of renewing the war. They had 
succeeded to a considerable extent in establishing themselves in 
Spain, and were desirous of increasing their influence in that 
country. With these motives they attacked Saguntum, a Spanish 
city in alliance with Rome, and refused to desist, when reminded 
that they were acting contrary to the terms of the mutual 
treaty. This conduct rendered a second war between Rome 
and Carthage inevitable, and both parties set themselves dili¬ 
gently to work to prepare for the contest. 

On the side of the Carthaginians, the command was given to 
the famous Hannibal, the most distinguished general of his time, 
who had been brought up in the camp of his father : and in his 
earliest youth been made to swear eternal enmity to the Ro¬ 
mans. 

Having overrun all Spain with his victorious forces, he deter¬ 
mined to carry the war into Italy itself. He therefore crossed 
the Pyrenees and entered Gaul, and passing rapidly through 
the southern parts of that country, in the course of ten days he 
arrived at the foot of the Alps, over which he proposed to pass 
in order to make his descent upon the plains of Italy. The 
passage of these mountains occupied him about eighteen or nine¬ 
teen days, during which he and his army were exposed to the 
greatest dangers from cold 2 , want of provisions, and the attacks 
of the inhabitants of the mountains, by all which causes com¬ 
bined he lost about half of his army. 

As soon as the news of this remarkable passage reached 
Rome, they sent out the famous Scipio to oppose his progress. 
An action took place at the junction of the rivers Ticinus and 
Po, in which the Romans were defeated, and their consul Scipio 
wounded. Upon this the Carthaginian general advanced to 
the river Trebia, where a second engagement took place near 
the modern town of Bobbio, just at the foot of the Apennines, 
here, also, the Romans were out-generallcd by the skill of 
Hannibal, and their forces were completely routed with a loss 
of 26,000 men, and with these successes the Carthaginians 
closed their first Italian campaign. 

The consuls for the next year were Cains Flaminius and 
Cncius Servilius, to the former of whom the command of the 

2 It was about the latter ciul of October, b.c. 119. 








FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


125 

army against Hannibal was committed. He appears to have 
been a man of rash and headstrong courage, but greatly defi¬ 
cient in judgment and caution, and Hannibal being informed of 
his character, determined to provoke him, if possible, to some 
act of fatal rashness. In this he was successful. Making as though 
he would force his way towards Rome, he seduced the unwary 
consul to follow him, which he did till he arrived at the lake 
Thrasymene, near Catona, and the river Tiber, where, finding 
a narrow passage between a chain of mountains and the lake, 
he posted his army advantageously on the heights. Flaminius, 
having followed the enemy through the night along the shores 
of the lake, came in the morning to the entrance of this ravine. 
A thick fog, as is often the case in mountainous countries, es¬ 
pecially in the morning, hung upon the hills, and served still 
further to conceal the movements of the enemy. The consul, 
therefore, proceeded onwards in unsuspecting confidence, until 
all at once he found himself attacked on every side, and though 
he did all that map could do in such unpropitious circumstances, 
he himself fell, and nearly the whole of his army were either 

left dead on the field, or fell into the hands of the enemy. 

» 

To the honour of Hannibal it is recorded, that after this 
dreadful carnage he was very desirous of discovering the body 
I of Flaminius, that he might bury it with due honour as a tribute 
[ to his bravery, but he could not find it, nor could any account 
be given what became of it. 

When the news of this defeat reached Rome, it caused, as 
may be supposed, the greatest consternation : as soon as the 
praetor Pomponius was apprised of it, he assembled the people, 
and without disguising the matter in the least, made this decla- 
J ration : “ Romans; we have lost a great battle ; our army is cut 
! to pieces, and Flaminius the consul is slain; think, therefore, 
what is to be done for your safety.” The same commotion 
which a furious wind causes in the ocean, did these words of the 
praetor produce in so vast a multitude. In the first consterna¬ 
tion they could not fix upon any thing : but at length, all agreed 
that affairs required the direction of an absolute power, which 
they called the dictatorship, and that a man should be pitched ; 
upon for it, who would exercise it with steadiness and intrepi¬ 
dity ; that such a man was Fabius Maximus, who had a spirit 
and dignity of manners equal to so great a command, and, be¬ 
sides, was of an age in which the vigour of the body is sufficient 
to execute the purposes of the mind, and courage is tempered 
with prudence. 

Pursuant to these resolutions, Fabius was chosen dictator, 

m 3 





























126 FABIUS MAXIMUS. 

and he appointed Minucius his general of the horse. But first 
he desired permission of the senate to make in$e of a horse 
when in the field. This was forbidden by an ancient law, 
either because they placed their greatest strength in the in¬ 
fantry, and therefore chose that the commander-in-chief should 
be always posted among them ; or else because they would 
have the dictator, whose power in all other respects was very 
great, and, indeed, arbitrary, in this case at least, appear to be 
dependent upon the people. In the next place, Fabius, willing 
to show the high authority and grandeur of his office, to make 
the people more tractable and submissive, appeared in public 
with twenty-four lictors carrying the fasces before him ; and 
when the surviving consul met him, he sent one of his officers 
to order him to dismiss his lictors and other ensigns of his em¬ 
ployment, and to join him as a private man. 

Then beginning with an act of religion, which is the best of 
all beginnings, and assuring the people that their defeats were 
not owing to the cowardice of the soldiers, but to the generals’ 
neglect of the sacred rites and auspices, he exhorted them to 
entertain no dread of the enemy, but by extraordinary honours 
to propitiate the gods. Not that he wanted to infuse into them 
a spirit of superstition, but to confirm their valour by piety, and 
to deliver them from every other fear, by a sense of the Divine 
protection. 

Fabius having taught the people to repose themselves on 
acts of religion, made them more easy as to future events. For 
his own part, he placed all his hopes of victory in himself, be¬ 
lieving that Heaven blesses men with success on account of 
their virtue and prudence ; and therefore he Avatched the mo¬ 
tions of Hannibal, not with a design to give him battle, but by 
length of time to waste his spirit and vigour, and gradually to 
destroy him by means of his superiority in men and money. 
To secure himself against the enemy’s horse, he took care to 
encamp above them on high and mountainous places. When 
they sat still he did the same ; when they Avere in motion he 
showed himself upon the heights, at such a distance as not to be 
obliged to fight against his inclination, and yet near enough to 
keep them in perpetual alarm, as if, amidst his arts to gain time, 
he intended every moment to give them battle. 

These dilatory proceedings exposed him to contempt among 
the Romans in general, and even in his OAvn army. The enemy 
too, excepting Hannibal, thought him a man of no spirit. He 
alone was sensible of the keenness of Fabius, and of the manner 
in which he intended to carry on the war, and therefore was 




















FABIUS MAXIMUS 


127 

determined, if possible, either by stratagem or force, to bring 
him to battle, concluding that otherwise the Carthaginians must 
be undone. Sometimes he advanced and alarmed him with the 
apprehensions of an attack ; sometimes by marching and coun¬ 
termarching he led him from place to place, hoping to draw him 
from his plan of caution. But Fabius kept immovably to his 
resolution. It was not, however, with the enemy only that he 
had to contend ; his general of the horse, Minucius, not com¬ 
prehending the dilatory tactics of his leader, openly inveighed 
against him in the presence of the army, who were thereby in¬ 
duced to attribute the delay of Fabius to cowardice, and to ex¬ 
tol the superior courage and activity of Minucius. Nothing, 
however, could induce the wary general to alter the course of 
action upon which he had maturely deliberated. 

Soon after this, Hannibal w r as led into a remarkable error. 
For intending to lead his army farther from Fabius, and to move 
into a part of the country that would afford him forage, he 
ordered the guides, immediately after supper, to conduct him to 
the plains of Casinum. But pronouncing the word incorrectly, 
they understood him to enquire for Cassalium, a town on the 
borders of Campania, whither they accordingly led him. The 
adjacent country is surrounded with mountains, except onty a 
valley that stretches out to the sea. Near the sea the ground 
is very marshy, and full of large banks of sand, by reason of the 
overflowing of the river. The sea is there very rough, and the 
coast almost impracticable. 

As soon as Hannibal w’as entered into this valley, Fabius, 
availing himself of his knowledge of the country, seized the 
narrow outlet, and placed in it a guard of four thousand men. 
The main body of his army he posted to advantage on the sur¬ 
rounding hills, and with the lightest and most active of his 
troops fell upon the enemy’s rear, and put their whole army 
in disorder, and killed about 800 of them. 

Hannibal then wanted to get clear of so disadvantageous a 
situation ; and, in revenge of the mistake the guides had made, 
and the danger they had brought him into, he crucified them 
all. But not knowing how to drive the enemy from the heights 
they were masters of, and sensible besides of the terror and con¬ 
fusion that reigned amongst his men, who concluded themselves 
fallen into a snare from which there was no escaping, he had 
recourse to stratagem. 

The contrivance was this. He caused 2000 oxen, which he 
had in his camp, to have torches and dry bavins well fastened to 
their horns. These, in the night, upon a signal given, were to 






















FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


128 

be lighted, and the oxen to be driven to the mountains, near the 
narrow pass that was guarded by the enemy. While those that 
had it in .charge were thus employed, he decamped, and marched 
slowly forward. So long as the fire was moderate, and burned 
only the torches and bavins, the oxen moved softly on, as they ! 
were driven up the hills ; and the shepherds and herdsmen on ! 
the adjacent heights took them for an army that marched in I 
order with lighted torches. But when their horns were burnt 
to the roots, and the fire pierced to the quick? terrified and mad i 
with pain, they no longer kept any certain route, but ran up 
the hills, with their foreheads and tails flaming, and setting every 
thing on fire that came in their way. The Romans who 
| guarded the pass were astonished, and took them for a number 
of men with torches, running in all directions. They imagined 
that the enemy was endeavouring to surround them, and, giving 
way to their fears, they quitted the pass, and fled to the main 
body in the camp. The Carthaginian troops immediately took 
possession of the outlet, and marched safely through with a rich 
booty. 

Fabius, having discovered the stratagem, pursued the enemy 
with the first light of the morning, and several severe skirmishes 
ensued ; in the end, however, the Romans were compelled to 
retire, and this brought upon Fabius more derision and calumny 
than ever. An accusation was got up against him by the Tri¬ 
bunes of the people, and the senate also took offence and re¬ 
fused to accede to the terms he had made for ransoming the 
prisoners, in consequence of which, he sold part of his estate, 
and paid the ransom out of his own pocket. 

Soon after this, having occasion to return to Rome, for the 
purpose of celebrating some religious festival, he was compelled | 
to leave the army to the command of Minucius, he himself 
being detained at Rome to assist in some solemn sacrifices. 
Minucius had now an opportunity of acting upon his own plans, 
he therefore sought an immediate engagement. The desired 
event soon occurred, a skirmish took place, and Minucius 
gained the advantage. 

The army in the field, and the citizens at Rome, were de¬ 
lighted with this success, which was represented as far greater 
and more important than it really w r as. They accused Fabius 
not only of cowardice, but of treachery also ; asserting that he 
was intentionally permitting Hannibal to establish himself in 
Italy, and bring over fresh reinforcements from Carthage. To 
these accusations Fabius did not vouchsafe any answer, other 
than that as soon as he had finished his religious duties, he 

























FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


129 


would return to the camp and punish Minucius for his disobe¬ 
dience to orders. 

This reply of Fabius caused great discontent among the peo¬ 
ple, and many of them were anxious that he should be deprived 
of his office of dictator. They contented themselves, however, 
with making Minucius his equal in command; by which means 
they expected greatly to annoy and embarrass their prudent 
general. In this, however, they were mistaken ; he still main¬ 
tained an unbroken composure of mind, and the only regret he 
experienced, was that the people should have put it into the 
power of a rash man to indulge his indiscreet ambition for mili¬ 
tary distinction. 

He therefore left Rome in the most private manner possible, 
and returned to the camp, where he found the arrogance of 
Minucius grown to such a height, that it was no longer to be 
endured. Fabius, therefore, refused to comply with his demand 
of having the army under his orders every other day, and, in¬ 
stead of that, divided the forces with him, choosing rather to 
have the full command of a part, than the direction of the whole 
by turns. He therefore took the first and fourth legions him¬ 
self, leaving the second and third to Minucius ; and the confede¬ 
rate forces were likewise equally divided. 

Minucius valued himself highly upon this, that the power of 
the greatest and most arbitrary office in the state was con¬ 
trolled and reduced for his sake. Rut Fabius put him in mind, 
j “ That it was not Fabius whom he had to contend with, but 
Hannibal ; that if he would, notwithstanding, consider his col¬ 
league as his rival, he must take care lest he who had so success¬ 
fully carried his point with the people, should one day appear 
to have their safety and interests less at heart, than the man who 
had been so ill-treated by them.” Minucius considering this as the 
effect of an old man’s pique, and taking the troops that fell to his 
lot, marked out a separate camp for them. Hannibal was well 
informed of all that had passed, and watched his opportunity to 
take advantage of it. 

There was a hill betwixt him and the enemy, not difficult to 
j take possession of, which yet would afford an army a very safe 
and commodious post. The ground about it at a distance 
seemed quite level and plain, though there were in it several 
ditches and hollows ; and therefore, though he might privately 
i have seized that post with ease, yet he left it as a bait to draw 
the enemy to an engagement. Rut as soon as he saw Minucius j 
parted from Fabius, he took an opportunity in the night to place 
j a number of men in those ditches and hollows ; and early in the 





























FABIUS MAXIMUS. 


130 

morning’ ho openly sent out a small party, as ifLdesigned to make 
themselves masters of the hill, but really to draw Minucius to 
dispute it with them. The event answered his expectations. 
For Minucius sent out his light-armed troops first, then the 
cavalry, and at last, when he saw Hannibal send reinforcements 
to his men upon the hill, he marched out with all his forces in 
order of battle, and attacked with great vigour the Cartha¬ 
ginians, who were marking out a camp upon the hill. The for¬ 
tune of the day was doubtful, until Hannibal, perceiving that 
the enemy had fallen into the snare, and that their rear was open 
to the ambuscade, instantly gave the signal. Hereupon, his 
men rushed out on all sides, and advancing with loud shouts, 
and cutting in pieces the- hindermost ranks, they put the Ho¬ 
mans in disorder and terror inexpressible. Even the spirit of 
Minucius began to shrink ; and he looked first upon one officer 
and then upon another, but not one of them durst stand his , 
ground ; they all betook themselves to flight, and the flight j 
itself proved fatal. For the Numidians, now victorious, galloped 
round the plain, and killed those whom they found dispersed. 

In the meantime, Fabius had obtained full information of all 
that was going on, and observing from his own camp the defeat 
of his colleague, and hearing the cries of the retreating soldiers, 
he ordered his own division of the forces to advance tQ the 
rescue of their fellow-soldiers ; by which timel} r assistance the 
! troops of Hannibal were compelled to retire to their former 
position. Many of the Carthaginians were slain in this encoun¬ 
ter, and much spoil fell into the hands of the Romans. The 
generosity and magnanimity of Fabius were displayed in an 
eminent manner by his behaviour to Minucius, to whom he ad¬ 
dressed not one haughty or angry word ; and this forbearance 
had such an effect upon that general, that calling his troops to¬ 
gether, he acknowledged his error, observing that it was the 
part of a prudent and good man to learn future prudence from 
past miscarriages. “ I confess,” said he, “ that though fortune 
has somewhat frowned upon me, I have still much to be thank¬ 
ful for. For in one day I have been taught a great truth, 
which the experience of former years could not teach me, viz. 
that I am not qualified to command such an expedition as this, 
but am suited only for a secondary station.” 

He then ordered the ensigns to advance with the eagles, and 
the troops to follow, himself marching at their head to the camp 
of Fabius. Being admitted, he went directly to his tent. The 
w'hole army waited with impatience for the event. When 
Fabius came out, Minucius fixed his standard before him, and 













FABIUS MAXIMUS. 131 

with a loud voice saluted him by the name of Father, at the 
same time his soldiers called those of Fabius their Patrons : an 
appellation which freedmen give to those that enfranchise them. 
These respects being paid, and silence taking place, Minucius 
thus addressed himself to the dictator : “ You have this day, 
Fabius, obtained two victories ; one over the enemy by your 
valour, the other over your colleague by your prudence and 
humanity. By the former you saved us, by the latter you have 
instructed us : and Hannibal’s victory over us is not more dis¬ 
graceful, than yours is honourable and salutary to us. I call you 
Father, not knowing a more honourable name, and am more in¬ 
debted to you than to my real father. To him I owe my being-, 
but to you the preservation of my life, and the lives of all these 
brave men.” After this, he threw himself into the arms of 
Fabius, and the soldiers of each army embraced one another 
with every expression of tenderness, and with tears of joy. 

Not long after this, Fabius laid down the dictatorship, and 
consuls were created. The first of these kept to the plan which 
Fabius had laid down. He took care not to come to a pitched 
battle with Hannibal, but sent succours to the allies of Rome, 
and prevented any revolt in their cities. 

His successor, Terentius Varro, was a man of a very different 
character. Ambitious of nothing better than popular applause, 
he joined in the clamour against Fabius, and prevailed on the 
people to raise a fresh army of 88,000 men, at the head of which 
he promised to bring the war to a conclusion by one decisive 
engagement. This rash proceeding alarmed Fabius and the 
more discreet portion of the people, and the former, exhorting 
the other consul, Paulus Emilius, to resist the designs of his 
colleague, assured him that if the Romans only abstained from 
giving battle to Hannibal, the latter must, of necessity, be com¬ 
pelled to withdraw his forces from Italy, inasmuch as they were 
already diminished to one third of the original number, and 
received no encouragement or support from the Italian pro¬ 
vinces. 

^Emilius, though desirous of distinguishing himself in active 
warfare, was inclined to listen to the advice of so prudent a 
general as Fabius; he suffered himself, however, to be persuaded 
by the arguments of his colleague to continue to act upon their 
former plan, and it was agreed that each consul should, in turn, 
command for a day together. 

When the command fell to Varro, he took post over against 
Hannibal, on the banks of the Aufidus, near the village of 
Cannae. As soon as it was light, he gave the signal for battle, 













132 FABIUS MAXIMUS. 

which was a red mantle set up over the gefieral’s tent. The 
Carthaginians were a little disheartened at first, when they saw 
how daring the consul was, and that the army was more than 
twice their number. But Hannibal having ordered them to 
arm, himself, with a few others, rode up to an eminence, to take 
a view of the enemy, now drawn up for battle. One Gisco that 
accompanied him, a man of his own rank, happening to say “The 
numbers of the enemy appeared to him surprising,” Hannibal 
replied with a serious countenance, “ There is another thing 
which has escaped your observation, much more surprising than 
that.” Upon being asked what it was, “ Tt is,” said he, “ that 
among such numbers, not one of them is named Gisco.” The 
whole company were diverted with the humour of his observa- 
| tion : and as they returned to the camp, they told the jest to 
those they met, so that the laugh became universal. At sight 
; of this the Carthaginians took courage, thinking it must proceed 
from the great contempt in which their general held the Ro¬ 
mans, that he could jest and laugh in the face of danger. 

In this battle Hannibal gave great proofs of generalship. In 
the first place, he took advantage of the ground, to post his men 
with their backs to the wind, which was then very violent and 
scorching, and drove from the dry plains, over the heads of the 
Carthaginians, clouds of sand and dust into the eyes and nostrils 
of the Romans, so that they were obliged to turn away their 
faces and break their ranks. In the next place, his troops were 
drawn up in superior art. He placed the flower of them in the 
wings, and those upon whom he had less dependence in the 
main corps, which was considerably more advanced than the 
wings. Then he commanded those in the wings, that when the 
enemy had charged and vigorously pushed that advanced body, 
which he knew would give way, to open a passage for them to 
the very centre, and when the Romans, by this means, should 
be far enough engaged within the two wings, they should both 
on the right and left take them in flank, and endeavour to sur¬ 
round them. This was the principal cause of the great carnage 
that followed. For the enemy pressing upon Hannibal’s front, 
which gave ground, the form of his army was changed into a 
half-moon ; and the officers of the select troops caused the two 
points of the wings to join behind the Romans. Thus they 
were exposed to the attacks of the Carthaginians on all sides"; 
an incredible slaughter followed ; nor did any escape but the 
few that retreated before the main body was enclosed. 

As to the consuls, Varro escaped with a few horse to Venutia; 
and iEmilius covered with darts which stuck in his wounds, sat 
























IAElUS MAXIMUS. 


133 


down in anguish and despair, waiting for the enemy to despatch 
him. Ilis head and his face were so disfigured and stained with 
blood, that it was not easy to know him : even his friends and 
servants passed by him without stopping. At last, Cornelius 
Lentulus, a young man of a patrician family, perceiving who he 
was, dismounted, and entreated him to take his horse, and save 
himself for the commonwealth, which had then more occasion 
than ever for so good a consul. But nothing could prevail upon 
him to accept of the offer ; and notwithstanding the young 
man’s tears, he obliged him to mount his horse again. Then 
rising up, and taking him by the hand, “Tell Fabius Maximus,” 
said he, “and, Lentulus, do you yourself be witness, that Paulus 
iEmilius followed his directions to the last, and did not deviate 
in the least from the plan agreed upon between them, but was 
first overcome by Varro, and then by Hannibal.” Having des¬ 
patched Lentulus with this commission, he rushed among the 
enemy’s swords, and was slain. Fifty thousand Romans are said 
to have fallen in this battle, and four thousand to have been 
taken prisoners, besides ten thousand that were taken after the 
battle in both camps. 

The counsellors of Hannibal now advised him to push for¬ 
ward to Rome, and it seems strange that he did not do so ; and 
this has always been considered an error in the policy of this 
great commander. 

The battle of Cannes, however, gave quite a new aspect to 
his affairs. Hitherto he had had neither port, nor magazine, 
nor garrison in Italy ; but had supported his army by plunder and 
rapine; now he was master of the fairest portion of Italy, and 
Capua itself, the city next to Rome in magnitude and import¬ 
ance, declared in his favour. 

Now, at length, the Romans began to understand and admire 
that dilatory policy of Fabius, under which they had formerly 
been so impatient. To him, therefore, in this emergency, the 
whole people looked for counsel, and their hopes were not mis¬ 
placed. He alone seemed to retain his firmness of mind, 
and though in times of security he had appeared to be de¬ 
ficient in confidence and resolution, now, when all others 
themselves to inexpressible sorrow and helpless 
alone walked about the city with a calm and easy 
a firm countenance, a mild and gracious address, 
checking their effeminate lamentations, and preventing them 
iroin assembling in public to bewail their common distress. Fie 
caused the senate to meet; he encouraged the magistrates, him¬ 
self being the soul of their body, for all waited his motion, and 

N 


abandoned 
despair, he 
pace, with 




































134 FABIUS MAXIMUS. 

were ready to obey his orders. He placed a guard at the gates, 
to hinder such of the people as were inclined to fly from quit¬ 
ting the city. He fixed both the place and time for mourning 
allowed thirty days for that purpose in a man’s own house, and 
no more for the city in general. 

When it was discovered that Hannibal, instead of pursuing 
his victory and marching straight to Rome, had taken another 
route, the Romans recovered their spirits, and determined upon 
commencing another campaign. A fresh army was raised, which 
was committed to the charge of Fabius and Marcellus, the 
latter a man of great valour, remarkably well skilled in the use 
of weapons, and naturally enterprising. So intrepid a general 
was very fit to be opposed to an enemy as daring as himself, to 
restore the courage and spirits of the Romans, by some vigorous 
stroke in the first engagements. As for Fabius, he kept to his 
first sentiments, and hoped, that if he only followed Hannibal 
close, without fighting him, he and his army would wear them¬ 
selves out, and lose their warlike vigour, just as a wrestler does, 
who keeps continually in the ring, and allows himself no repose 
to recruit his strength after excessive fatigues. Hence it was 
that the Romans called Fabius their shield, and Marcellus their 
sword, and used to say, that the steadiness and caution of the 
one, mixed with the vivacity and boldness of the other, made a 
compound very salutary to Rome. Hannibal, therefore, often 
meeting Marcellus, whose motions were like those of a torrent, 
found his forces broken and diminished ; and by Fabius, who 
moved with a silent but constant stream, he was undermined and 
insensibly weakened. Such at length was the extremity he was 
reduced to, that he was tired of fighting Marcellus and afraid of 
Fabius. 

The result of this campaign was more favourable than the 
former. Without entering into very minute particulars, Capua, 
Tarentum, and other places were taken from the Carthaginians, 
their armies were harassed on every side by the Roman troops, 
and Hannibal at last found that the occupation of Italy was no 
longer possible. The supplies he expected from Carthage had 
been intercepted by the vigilance of the Roman generals, and as 
the senate of Rome had prudently resolved to carry the war into 
Spain and Africa, Hannibal was at length recalled to defend the 
Carthaginian cause nearer home, and with regret he took his 
departure from Italy, after having, for a space of sixteen years, 
endeavoured its conquest. 

To Fabius was decreed a magnificent triumph for having glori¬ 
ously maintained the field against Hannibal, and baffled all his 




















FABIUS MAXIMUS. 135 

schemes with ease, just as an able wrestler disengages himself 
from the arms of his antagonist, whose grasp no longer retains 
the same vigour. For Hannibal’s army was now partly ener¬ 
vated with opulence and luxury, and partly impaired and worn 
with continual action. 

Among other honours which the Romans paid to Fabius, they 
elected his son consul. When he had entered upon his office, 
and was settling some point relating to the war, the father, 
either on account of his age and infirmities, or else to try his 
son, mounted his horse to ride up to him. The young consul 
peeing him at a distance, would not suffer it, but sent one of 
the lictors to his father with orders for him to dismount, and to 
come on foot to the consul, if he had any occasion to apply to 
him. The whole assembly w r ero moved at this, and cast their 
j eyes upon Fabius, by their silence and their looks expressing 
their resentment of the indignity offered to a person of his cha¬ 
racter. But he instantly alighted, and ran to his son, and em¬ 
braced him with great tenderness. “ My son,” said he, “ I ap¬ 
plaud your sentiments and your behaviour. You know what a 
people you command, and have a just sense of the dignity of 
your office. This was the way that we and our forefathers took 
to advance Rome to her present height of glory, always con¬ 
sidering the honour and interest of our country before that of 
our own fathers and children.” 

When Fabius Maximus had the misfortune to lose his son, he 
bore that loss with great moderation, as became a wise man and 
a good father ; and the funeral oration, which on occasions of 
the deaths of illustrious men is usually pronounced by some near 
kinsman, he delivered himself; and having committed it to writ¬ 
ing made it public. 

The removal of the war from Italy was greatly displeasing to 
Fabius, who seems to have opposed the plan with more of the 
querulousness of age, than the vigour of his former judgment. 
He also appears to have entertained an unworthy jealousy of 
the growing fame of Scipio, which may, probably, also with pro¬ 
priety be classed under the infirmities of advanced years. The 
policy of Rome, however, did succeed : the Carthaginians were 
compelled to seek for peace, and the second Punic war was ter¬ 
minated by Scipio Africanus, b.c. 119, after lasting seventeen 
years. Fabius, however, did not live to see the conquest of 
Carthage, by measures which he treated with contempt, and 
heard with indignation. He died in the hundredth year of his 
age, after he had been five times consul, and twice honoured 
with a triumph. The Romans were so sensible of his great 










136 


FAEIUS MAXIMUS 


merit and services, that the expenses of his funeral were de¬ 
frayed from the public treasury. He was ctflled the “Shield,” | 
as Marcell us deserved the appellation of the “ Sword,” of 
Rome. 



























CATO TIIE CENSOR. 

a.u.c. CIO. b.c. 148. 

Marcus Cato was born at Tusculum, of which place his family 
originally was. Before he was engaged in civil or military affairs, 
he lived upon an estate which his father had left him in the coun¬ 
try of the Sabines. Though his ancestors were reckoned to have 
been of no note, yet Cato himself boasts of his father as an excel¬ 
lent soldier and brave man ; and affirms, that his great-grandfather, 
Cato, received several military rewards, and that having had 
five horses killed under him, he had the value of them paid 
him out of the treasury, as an acknowledgment of his gallant be¬ 
haviour. As the Romans always gave the appellation of “ New 
Men l ,” to those who having no honours transmitted to them 
from their ancestors, were the first of their family to distinguish 
themselves, they designated Cato by the same term ; but he 
used to say that he was new indeed as to offices and dignities, i 
but with regard to the services and virtues of his ancestors very 

cr %> | 

ancient. His third name 2 , at first, was not Cato, but Priscus. 
It was subsequently changed to that of Cato 3 , on account of his 
remarkable wisdom. His personal appearance was not prepos¬ 
sessing, having red hair and grey eyes. Inured to labour and ^ 
temperance, and brought up as it were in camps, he possessed 
an excellent constitution, and robust health and strength. Elo¬ 
quence he considered as a kind of second body—an instrument 

1 The “jus imaginum,” as Dr. Langhorne observes, was annexed to the 
great offices of state, and none had their statues and pictures but such as had 

borne those offices. He, therefore, who had the pictures of his ancestors 
was called “ noble;” he who had only his own, a “new man,” and lie who 
had neither one nor another, “ ignoble.” But it does not appear that a 
man who had borne a great office, the consulate for instance, was “ignoble,” 
because he had not his statue or picture, for he might not choose it, Cato 
himself did not choose it. His reason, we suppose, was, because he had none 
of his ancestors, though he himself assigned another. 

3 The Latin word “Catus” signifies prudent; and he appears to have been 
the first who bore it as a proper name. 

3 The Romans usually had three names:—the first, or Pranomen , of the 
individual, as Marcus; the second, the name of the Gens, as Tullius-, the 
third, the Cognomen of the Familia, as Cicero . 

N 3 









]38 CATO THE CENSOR. 

for the achievement of great things—not only useful, but neces¬ 
sary for every man who does not wish to live obscure and inac¬ 
tive ; hence he exercised and improved that talent in the neigh¬ 
bouring boroughs and villages, by undertaking the causes of 
such as applied to him. so that he was soon allowed to be an 
able pleader, and afterwards a good orator. His worth was soon 
discovered and acknowledged, as was also his peculiar qualifica¬ 
tion for the administration of the affairs of state. Being disin¬ 
terested, he pleaded without reward; the welfare of his fellow- 
men being the object which he sought. 

His ambition was military glory : and while yet but a youth, 
he had fought in so many battles that his breast was covered 
with scars. He himself informs us that he made his first cam¬ 
paign when only seventeen years of age, at the time when 
Hannibal, in the height of his prosperity, was laying Italy waste 
with fire and sword. In battle he stood with a firm and sted- 
fast foot, a powerful arm and stern countenance, accosting the 
enemy in accents calculated to inspire them with terror. He 
always marched on foot, and carried his own arms, followed 
only by one attendant who carried his provisions. And he is 
said never to have been angry with that attendant, whatever he 
might place before him, but when at leisure from military duty 
would ease and assist him in dressing it. All the time he was 
in the army he drank water, except when much pressed by j 
thirst, he would ask for a little vinegar, or when much exhausted 
would take a little wine. Near his country seat was a cottage | 
formerly belonging to Manius Curius Dcntatus, who was thrice 
honoured with a triumph. Cato often walked thither, and re¬ 
flecting upon the smallness of the farm, and the meanness of 
the dwelling, used to meditate upon the peculiar virtues of the 
man who, though he was the most illustrious character in Rome, 
had subdued the fiercest nation, and driven Pyrrhus out of Italy, 
cultivated this little spot of ground with his own hands, and after 
three triumphs returned to this cottage. Here the ambassadors 
of the Samnites found him, in the chimney corner, dressing 
turnips, and offered him a large present of gold, but he abso¬ 
lutely refused it, remarking, “the man who can be satisfied 
with such a supper has no need of gold ; and I think it more glo¬ 
rious to conquer the possessors of it, than to possess it myself.” 
Full of these thoughts, Cato returned home, and taking a view of 
his own estate, his servants, and his manner of living, increased his 
labour and retrenched his expenses. When Fabius Maximus took 
the city of Tarentum, Cato, who was then very young, served 
under him. Happening at that time to lodge with a Pythagorean 


















CATO THE CENSOR. 


109 


philosopher, named Nearchus, he desired to hear somewhat of 
his doctrine, and learning from him the same maxim which Plato 
advances, “ That pleasure is the strongest incentive to evil ; that 
the heaviest burden to the soul is the body, from which she cannot 
disengage or preserve herself, but by such a wise use of reason 
as shall wean and separate her from all corporeal passions ho 
became still more attached to frugality and temperance. 

At that time there flourished a Roman nobleman of great 
eminence, Valerius Flaccus, whose penetration enabled him to 
distinguish in Cato a youth of rising virtue, and whose benevo¬ 
lence inclined him to encourage and conduct him in the path of 
glory. This nobleman had an estate contiguous to Cato’s, where 
he often heard his servants speak of his neighbour’s laborious 
and temperate manner of living. They told him that he used 
to go early in the morning to the little towns in the neighbour¬ 
hood, and defend the causes of such as applied to him ; that 
thence he would return to his farm, and labour with his domes¬ 
tics, cheerfully partaking of their bread and wine. They related 
also many other instances of his condescension and moderation. 
Valerius, charmed with his character, sent him an invitation to 
dine with him. From that time, by frequent conversation, he 
found in him so much sweetness of temper and ready wit, that 
he considered him as an excellent plant, w’hich only required 
cultivation, and deserved to be removed to a better soil. lie 
therefore advised and succeeded in persuading him to go to 
Rome, and apply himself to affairs of state. There his pleadings 
soon procured him friends and admirers ; the interest of Vale¬ 
rius was also of much value to him. He was first made a 
tribune of the soldiers, and afterwards a quaestor. And having 
gained considerable honour and reputation in those appoint¬ 
ments, he was joined with Valerius himself in the highest dig¬ 
nities, being his colleague both as consul and censor. The 
senator to whom, from a high estimate of his character, he most 
closely joined himself, was Fabius Maximus, so that he did not 
shrink from differing from Scipio, who though at that time but 
a young man, w T as most hostile to the authority of Fabius. For 
being sent quaestor with Scipio to the war in Africa, and per¬ 
ceiving that he indulged himself, as usual, in unbounded ex¬ 
penses, and lavished the public money upon the troops, he took 
upon himself to remonstrate with him, observing : “ That the 
expenditure itself was not the chief evil, but the consequence of 
that expenditure ; since it corrupted the ancient simplicity of 
the soldiery, who, when they had more money than was neces¬ 
sary for their subsistence, were sure to squander it in luxury and 












140 


CATO THE CENSOR. 


riot 4 .” Seipio replied : “ That he had no need bf an excessively 
frugal treasurer, because he intended to spread all his sails in the 
ocean of war, and because his country expected from him an 
account of services rendered, not of money expended.” Upon 
which Cato left Sicily and returned to Rome, where, in con¬ 
junction with Fabius, he loudly complained to the senate, “of 
Scipio’s immense profusion, and of his passing his time like a 
boy, in wrestling rings and theatres, as if he had been sent out, 
not to make war, but to exhibit shows.” In consequence of this 
impeachment tribunes w r ere sent to examine into the affair, with 
orders, if the accusation proved true, to bring Seipio back to 
Rome. Upon their arrival, Seipio represented to them, “That 
success depended entirely upon the magnitude of the prepara¬ 
tions.” And made them sensible, that though he spent his hours 
of leisure in a cheerful manner with his friends, his liberal mode 
of living had not caused him to neglect any serious or important 
business. With this defence the commissioners were satisfied, 
and he set sail for Africa. As for Cato, he continued to gain so 
much authority by his eloquence, that he was commonly called 
“ The Roman Demosthenes but he was still more celebrated 
for his manner of living. His excellence as a speaker awakened 
a general emulation among the youth to distinguish themselves 
in the same way, and to surpass each other ; but few were wil¬ 
ling to imitate him in the ancient custom of tilling the field 
with their own hands—in eating a dinner prepared without fire— 
and a spare frugal supper ; few, like him, could be satisfied with 
| a plain dress and poor cottage, or think it more honourable not 
to want the superfluities of life than to possess them. For the 
commonwealth now no longer retained its primitive purity and 
integrity, on account of the vast extent of its dominions. The 
many different affairs under its management, and the infinite 
number of people subject to its command, had introduced a 
great variety of customs and modes of living. 

4 The Roman soldiers at first received no pay from the public. Every 
one served at his own expense. Pay was first granted to the foot, A.U.e. 
347, and three years after, during the siege of Yeii, to the horse. It was in 
the time of the republic very inconsiderable, two oboli, or three asses (about 
2^d English,) a day to a foot soldier, double to a centurion , and triple to an 
eques. Julius Caesar doubled it. Under Augustus it was ten asses (7|d,) 
and Domitian increased it still more by adding three gold pieces annually. 
The pay of the tribunes is uncertain, but it appears to have been considerable. 
The Praetorian cohorts had double the pay of the common soldiers. Besides 
pay, each soldier was furnished with clothes, and received a certain allow¬ 
ance of corn, commonly four bushels a month, the centurions double, and the 
equites triple. But for these things some portion of their pay was deducted. 





























CATO THE CENSOR. 141 

Justly, therefore, was Cato entitled to admiration, when the 
other citizens were frightened at labour, and enervated by plea¬ 
sure, and he alone remained unconquered by either; not only 
while young and ambitious, but in his age and grey hairs, after 
his consulship and triumph, like a brave wrestler, who, after he 
has come off conqueror, observes the common rules, and con¬ 
tinues his exercises to the last. Such conduct was variously 
interpreted. Some regarded it as indicating a mean and narrow 
spirit, while others considered that his design was to check, by 
his own example, the growing luxury of the age. Being ap¬ 
pointed consul with his friend Valerius Flaccus, the government 
of that part of Spain which the Homans call “Citcrior,” “Hither,” 
fell to his lot. While he was subduing some of the nations there 
by arms, and winning others by kindness, a large army of bar¬ 
barians fell upon him, and he was in danger of being put to flight 
with dishonour. Upon this occasion he sent to desire succour 
of his neighbours, the Celtiberians, who demanded two hundred 
talents for that services. All the officers of his army thought it 
intolerable that the Romans should be obliged to purchase assist¬ 
ance from the barbarians. But Cato remarked, “ the hardship 
is not great, for if we conquer we shall pay them at the enemy’s 
expense, and if we are conquered, there will be nobody either 
to pay, or to make the demand.” He gained the battle, and 
every thing after succeeded to his wish. Polybius informs us 
that the walls of all the Spanish towns on this side the river 
Boetis were rased by his command in one day, notwithstanding 
their numbers, and the bravery of the inhabitants. Cato himself 
savs that he took more cities than he spent days in Spain ; nor 
was it a false boast, for they were not fewer than four hundred 5 . 
Though this campaign afforded the soldiers much booty, he gave , 
each of them, in addition, a pound weight of silver, saying, “ It 
is better that many of the Romans should return with silver in 
their pockets, than a few with gold.” And for his own part, ho 
assures us that of the whole of what was taken in the war, nothing 
came to his share but what he ate and drank; “ not that I 
blame (said he) those who seek their own advantage in these 
things ; but I had rather contend for valour with the brave, 
than for wealth with the rich, or in rapaciousness with the 
covetous.” 

While he was settling the affairs of Spain, Scipio the Great, 
who was his enemy, and wished to interrupt the course of his 

5 Plinv calculates the number of the cities of Old Spain to have been 
about 184. 

























142 CATO THE CENSOR. 

success, and to have the finishing 1 of the war himself, so managed 
as to get himself appointed his successor, after which he made 
all possible haste to take from him the command of the army. 
But Cato, hearing of his march, took five companies of foot and 
five hundred horse, as a convoy to attend on Scipio, and on his 
way defeated the Lacetanians, a small Catalonian tribe, near the 
base of the Pyrenees, and took among them six hundred Roman 
deserters, whom he caused to be put to death ; and upon Scipio’s 
expressing displeasure at this, he answered ironically, “Rome 
would be great indeed, if men of birth would not yield the 
palm of virtue to plebeians, and if plebeians like himself would 
contend for excellence with men of birth.” Besides, as the 
senate had decreed that nothing should be disturbed or altered 
which Cato had established, the post which Scipio had so 
anxiously solicited, rather tarnished his own glory, than that of 
Cato, for he continued inactive during that government. In 
the meantime Cato was honoured with a triumph. But he did 
not afterwards remit or lessen his efforts, like those whose ambi¬ 
tion is only for fame and not for virtue, and who having reached 
the highest honours, borne the office of consul, and led up 
triumphs, withdraw from public business, and give themselves 
up to ease and pleasure. On the contrary, like those who are 
just entered upon business, and thirst for honour and renown, he 
exerted himself as if he were beginning his race anew, his ser¬ 
vices being always ready both for his friends in particular, and 
for the citizens in general, either at the bar or in the field. For 
he went with the consul Tiberius Sempronius, to Thrace and 
the Danube, as his lieutenant. And he attended Manius Acilius 
Glabrio as a legionary tribune into Greece, in the war against 
Antiochus the Great, who, next to Hannibal, was the most for¬ 
midable opponent the Romans ever encountered. For having 
recovered almost all the provinces of Asia, which Seleucus Ni- 
canor had possessed, and reduced many warlike nations of bar¬ 
barians, he was so much elated as to think the Romans the only 
enemy worthy of his prowess. Accordingly, he crossed the sea 
with a powerful army, colouring his design with a specious pre¬ 
tence of restoring liberty to the Greeks ; of which, however, they 
stood in no need, having been lately rescued by the kindness of 
the Romans from the yoke of Philip and the Macedonians, and 
rendered independent; their independence having been pro¬ 
claimed by Titus Quinctius Flaminius at the Isthmian games, 
a.u.c. 558. Upon his approach, all Greece was in the utmost com¬ 
motion, and unresolved how to act, being corrupted with the 
splendid hopes inspired by the orators whom Antiochus had 




















CATO THE CENSOR. 143 

gained over to himself. Acilius,therefore, sent ambassadors to the j 
several states: Titus Flaminius appeased the disturbances, and 
without having recourse to any violent means, retained most of the 
j Greeks in the Roman interest, and Cato confirmed the people of 
Corinth as well as those of Patrse and iEgium in their duty. He 
also made a considerable stay at Athens, and there is still extant, it 
is said, a speech of his, which he delivered to the Athenians in 
| Greek, expressing his admiration of the virtue of their ancestors, 

; and his satisfaction in beholding the beauty’and grandeur of their 
| city. Some affirm that the speech was delivered by means of an 
I interpreter. Antioehus having blocked up the narrow pass of 
Thermopylae with his troops, and added walls and entrench- 
I merits to the natural fortifications of the place, sat down uncon- 
1 cerned, thinking that the war could not touch him. And, in¬ 
deed, the Romans despaired of forcing the pass. But, Cato 
recollecting the circuit which the Persians had taken upon a 
like occasion, set out in the night with a proper detachment. 

, When they had advanced a considerable height, the guide, who 
was one of the prisoners, missed his w r ay, and wandering about 
! among impracticable places and precipices, threw the soldiers 
into inexpressible dread and despair. Cato, observing the 
danger, ordered his forces to halt ; when he, with one Lucius 
Manlius, who w r as dexterous in climbing the steep mountains, 
went forward with great difficulty, and at the hazard of his life, 
j at midnight, without any moon, scrambling among wild olive 
trees and steep rocks, that still more impeded his view, and 
! added darkness to the obscurity. At last they hit upon a path 
which seemed to lead down to the enemy’s camp. There they 
set up marks on some of the most conspicuous rocks upon the 
top of the mountain Callidromus, and returning the same way, 
took the whole party with them : conducting them by the direc¬ 
tion of the marks, and thus regaining the path which they had 
left, wffiere they made a proper disposition of the troops. They 
had marched but little farther when the path failed them, and 
they saw nothing before them but a precipice which distressed 
them still more, for they could not yet perceive that they were 
near the enemy. The day now' began to appear, when one of 
them thought he heard the sound of human voices, and soon 
afterw ards they saw the Grecian camp, and the advanced guard 
at the foot of the rock. Cato, therefore, made a halt, and sent 
to acquaint the Firmians that he wished to speak wdth them in 
private. These w r ere troops whose fidelity and courage he had 
experienced upon the most dangerous occasions. They hastened 
into his presence, when he thus addressed them: “ I am desirous 

























144 CATO THE CENSOR. 

of taking one of the enemy alive, to learn freon him who they 
are that form this advanced guard, and how many in number ; 
and to be informed what is the order and disposition of the 
whole army, and what preparations they have made to receive 
us ; but the business requires the speed and impetuosity of lions 
who rush into a herd of timorous beasts.” When Cato had 
finished speaking, the Firmians, without further preparation, 
poured down the mountain, surprised the advanced guard, dis¬ 
persed them, took one armed man, and brought him into the 
presence of Cato. The prisoner told him that the main body 
of the army was encamped with the king in the narrow pass, and 
! that the detachment which guarded the heights consisted of 600 
i select iEtolians. Cato, despising the troops as well on account 
of their numbers, as their negligence, drew his sword the first, 
and rushed upon them with all the alarm of voices and trumpets. 
Tlie YEtolians no sooner saw him descend from the precipices 
, than they fled to the main body, and threw the whole into the 
utmost confusion. At the same time Manius forced Antiochus’s 
entrenchments below, and poured into the pass with his army. J 
Antiochus himself, being wounded in the mouth with a stone, i 
and having some of his teeth struck out, the pain obliged him to : 
turn his horse and retire. After his retreat no part of his army I 
could withstand the shock of the Homans ; and though there : ( 
appeared no hopes of escaping by flight, on account of the strait- ; 
ness of the road, the deep marshes on one side, and the rocky 
eminences on the other, they yet crowded along through those 
narrow passages, and pushing each other down from fear of being 
destroyed by the Romans, miserably perished. 

Immediately after the battle the consul sent him with an 
account of it to Rome, that he might be the first to carry the 
news of his own achievements. He had a favourable wind to 
Brundusium : thence he reached Tarcntum in one day ; and 
having travelled four days more, arrived at Rome the fifth day 
after lie landed, and was the first who brought the intelligence 
of the victory. His arrival filled the city with sacrifices and 
other testimonies of joy, and gave the people so high an opinion 
of themselves, that they now believed there could be no bounds 
by sea or land to their empire. Ten years after his consulship 
Cato stood for the office of censor, the apex of all civil honour, 
and the winding up, as it were, of all the dignities of the state. 
For besides the authority that attended this office, it gave the 
magistrate the right of enquiry into the lives and manners of 
the citizens. The Romans did not think it proper that any one 
should be left to follow his own inclinations without inspection 



































CATO THE CENSOR. 145 

; or control in reference to the general affairs of life ; but con- 
| vinced that a man’s character was more easily distinguishable by 
his private, than by his public and political transactions, they 
I appointed two magistrates, the one out of the patricians, the 
other out of the plebeians, to inspect, regulate, and chastise 
; such as they found inclined to dissipation and licentiousness, and 
| deserting the ancient and established modes of living. These 
i great officers were called censors, and were invested with power 
to deprive a Roman knight of his horse, or to expel a senator 
who led a vicious and disorderly life. They likewise took an 
| estimate of each citizen’s estate, and enrolled them according to 
j their pedigree and condition. This office had several other 
great prerogatives attached to it, and therefore, when Cato so- ' 
licited it, the principal senators opposed him. The motive to 
this opposition with some of the patricians was envy : for they 
imagined that it would be a disgrace to the nobility, if persons 
of a mean and obscure origin were elevated to the highest honour 
in the state. With others it was fear ; for, conscious that their 
1 lives were vicious, and that they had departed from the ancient 
simplicity of manners, they dreaded the austerity of Cato, because 
they apprehended that he would be stern and inexorable in his 
office. Having consulted, and prepared their measures, they set 
up seven competitors in opposition to him, and, imagining that 
the people wished to be governed with an easy hand, soothed 
them with the hopes of a mild censorship. Cato, on the con¬ 
trary, without descending to the least complaisance,in his speeches 
from the rostra professed his resolution to punish every instance 
of vice, and, loudly declaring that the city required thorough 
j reformation, conjured the people if they were wise to choose, 
not the mildest, but the severest physician. He, himself, told 
them, that he w r as one of that character, and among the patri- 
! cians, Valerius Flaccus was another ; and that with him for his 
colleague, and him alone, he could hope to render good service 
to the commonwealth, by effectually cutting off and searing the 
hydra-like luxury and effeminacy of the times. He added, that 
he saw others pressing into the censorship in order to exercise 
it negligently, because they w r ere afraid of such as would dis¬ 
charge it faithfully. The Roman people upon this occasion 
showed themselves truly great, and worthy of the best of leaders. 
For, far from dreading the severity of this inflexible man, they 
rejected those smoother candidates wffio seemed ready to consult 
their pleasure in every thing, and chose Valerius Flaccus with 
Cato : attending to the latter, not as one that solicited the office 
of censor, but as one who, already possessed of it, gave out his 

o 






























CATO THE CENSOR. 


146 

orders by virtue of his authority. Cato then n&med his friend 
and colleague, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, chief of the senate, and 
expelled many others from the house; particularly Lucius 
Quinctius, who had been consul seven years before, and, what 
was a still higher honour, was brother to Titus Flaminius, the 
conqueror of King Philip. The cause of his expulsion was the 
wanton execution of a Gaulish deserter, in order to gratify the 
wishes of an unworthy favourite. Lucius being thus expelled 
from the senate by Cato, his brother indignantly appealed to the 
people, and summoned Cato to assign his reason for the expul¬ 
sion. While he w 7 as relating in full detail the circumstances of 
the transaction, Lucius attempted to deny it, but upon Cato’s 
tendering to him an oath, he shrunk from it, and his expulsion 
was therefore declared valid. He further expelled Manilius, 
another senator, for a very trivial cause. Fie did not, however, 
escape censure, even in the case of Lucius. He was charged 
by some as having merely indulged his envy in degrading him. 
Lucius was brother to Scipio the Great, and had been honoured 
with a triumph; for he took from him his horse, and it was believed 
he did it to insult the memory of Scipio Africanus. But there 
was another thing that rendered him more generally obnoxious, 
and that was the reformation he introduced in respect to luxury. 
To begin his attack upon it openly was impossible, because the ; 
w'hole body of the people was infected, and he therefore took an , 
indirect method. He caused an estimate to be made of all apparel, j 
carriages, female ornaments, furniture, and utensils; and whatever 
exceeded fifteen hundred drachms in value, he rated at ten times 
as much, and imposed a tax according to that valuation. For 
every thousand asses, he made them pay three : that those who 
found themselves burdened with the tax, while the modest and 
frugal with equal substance paid much less to the public, might 
be induced to retrench their mode of living. This procured 
him many enemies, not only among those who rather than part 
with their luxury submitted to the impost, but among those like¬ 
wise who lessened their expenses to avoid it. For the gene¬ 
rality of mankind think that a prohibition to show 7 their wealth 
is the same thing as taking it away ; and that opulence is seen, 
in the superfluities, not in the necessaries of life. Cato, how¬ 
ever, paid no regard to the complaints that were raised against 
him, but rather increased his rigour. He cut off the pipes by 
which people ■conveyed water from the public fountains into 
their houses and gardens, and demolished all the buildings that 
projected into the streets. He lowered the price of public 
works, and farmed out the public revenues at the highest rent 












CATO THE CENSOR. 147 

which they could bear. By these acts he brought himself into 
great odium, so that Titus Flaminius and his party attacked him, 
and prevailed upon the senate to annul the contracts which he 
had made for repairing the temples and public buildings, as detri¬ 
mental to the state. They further incited the boldest of the 
tribunes to accuse him to the people, and fine him two talents. 
They likewise vehemently opposed him with regard to a hall, 
which he built at the public charge, below the senate house, by 
the Forum, called the “ Porcian Hall .” The people, however, 
appear to have been highly pleased with his behaviour in this 
office. For when they erected his statue in the Temple of 
Health, they made no mention on the pedestal of his victories 
and his triumph, but the inscription was to this effect:—“ In 
honour of Cato the Censor, who, when the Roman Common¬ 
wealth was declining and leaning to decay, set it upright again 
by salutary discipline and wise ordinances and institutions.” 

Cato was a good father, a kind husband, and an excellent 
economist. And as he did not think the care of his family a 
mean and trifling thing, demanding only a superficial attention, 
it may be of use to give some account of his conduct in these 
particulars. Fie chose his wife rather for her family than her 
fortune. He used to say that he preferred the character of a 
good husband to that of a great senator; and he admired 
nothing in Socrates more than his having lived in a quiet and 
easy manner with an ill-tempered wife and stupid children. As 
soon as the dawn of understanding in Cato’s son appeared, he 
took upon himself the office of his preceptor, though he had a 
slave named Chilo, a fair grammarian, and who taught several 
other children. He directed his studies in grammar, law, and 
other necessary exercises ; for he taught him not only how to 
throw the dart, to fight hand to hand, and to ride, but to box, to 
endure heat and cold, and to swim in the most rapid parts of the 
river 6 . He also wrote histories for him in large characters with 

6 Swimming formed part of the education of the Roman youth in 
general, and was the common exercise of such of the Roman nobility as 
delighted in the use of arms. See Odes of Horace, illustrated by parallel 
passages from the Greek, Roman, and British Poets, by the Rev. A. J. 
Howell, B.A., p. 18. Compare also Shakespeare. 

“ For once upon a raw and gusty day, 

The troubled Tiber chafing with his shores, 

Caisar says to me, Barest thou, Cassius, now 
Leap in with me into this angry flood. 

And swim to yonder point? Upon the word, 

Accoutred as I was, I plunged in, 

o 2 























148 


CATO THE CENSOR. 


his own hand, so that without stirring out of l}is father’s house, 
he might gain a knowledge of the illustrious actions of the 
ancient Romans, and of the customs of his country. While 
Cato was employing such admirable means for forming his son to 
virtue, he found him naturally ductile both in genius and inclina¬ 
tion ; but as his body was too weak to undergo much hardship, 
his father was obliged to relax the severity of his discipline, and 
to grant him some indulgence in regard to diet. Yet even with 
this constitution he was an excellent soldier, and particularly 
distinguished himself under Paulus vEmilius in the battle against 
Perseus. Upon this occasion his sword happening to be struck 
from his hand, the moisture of which prevented him from 
grasping it firmly, he turned to some of his companions with 
deep concern, and implored their assistance in recovering it. 
He then rushed with them into the midst of the enemy, and 
having with extraordinary efforts cleared the place where the 
sword was lost, he at last found it under heaps of arms and dead 
bodies of friends as well as enemies, piled upon each other. 
Paulus iEmilius admired this gallant action of the young man. 
And there was, in the time of Plutarch, a letter still extant, 
written by Cato to his son, in which he extremely commends 
his activity and high sense of honour expressed in the recovery 
of that sword. The young man afterwards married Tertia, 
daughter of Paulus iEmilius and sister to young Scipio: the 
honour of which alliance was as much owing to his own as his 
father’s merit. Thus Cato’s care in the education of his son 
answered the end proposed. 

When Cato was far advanced in years, there arrived at Rome 
two ambassadors from Athens, Carneades, the academic, and 
Diogenes, the stoic. They were sent to negociate the re¬ 
mission of a fine of five hundred talents, which had been imposed 
upon the Athenians for contumacy, by the Sicyonians, at the 
suit of the people of Oropus. Upon the arrival of these philo¬ 
sophers, such of the Roman youth as had a taste for learning 
went to w r ait on them, and heard them with wonder and delight. 
Above all they were charmed with the graceful manners of Car¬ 
neades ; the force of whose eloquence, accompanied by an 
adequate reputation, had drawn an audience of the politest and 
most considerable persons in Rome, and the sound of whose 
fame had filled the city. The report ran, that there had arrived 

And bid him follow : so, indeed, he did ; 

The torrent roared, and we did buffet it 

With lusty sinews.” 


Julius Cczsar , Act I. Sc. 3. 




















CATO THE CENSOK. 


149 


from Greece, a man of astonishing 1 faculties, whose more than 
human powers could soothe and soften the fiercest passions, and 
who had made so strong an impression on their youth, that, for¬ 
getting all other pleasures and diversions, they were seized by an 
enthusiastic love of philosophy. This was a cause of much gra¬ 
tification to the Romans, who could not but rejoice to see their 
sons thus fondly embrace the Grecian literature, and follow 
those wonderful teachers. But Cato, from the beginning, was 
! alarmed at it. He no sooner perceived this passion for the 
Grecian learning begin to prevail, than he was afraid that the 
young men would turn their ambition in that direction, and 
prefer the glory of eloquence to that of deeds of arms. But 
when he found that the reputation of these philosophers rose 
still higher, and that their first speeches were translated into 
Latin by Caius Acilius, a senator of great distinction, who had 
earnestly begged the favour of interpreting them, he lost all 
patience, and resolved to dismiss them upon some specious pre¬ 
tence. He went, therefore, to the senate, and complained 
against the magistrates for detaining so long ambassadors who 
would persuade the people to whatever they pleased. “ You 
ought,” said he, “ to determine this affair as speedily as possible, 
that returning to their schools they may declaim to the youth of 
Greece, and that ours may give attention as before to the laws 
and the magistrates.” This he did, induced by no particular 
pique to Carneades, as some suppose, but by his aversion from 
philosophy, and his making it a point to show his contempt for 
the polite studies and learning of the Greeks. Nay, he scrupled 
not to affirm, “ That Socrates himself was a prating, seditious 
fellow r , who used his utmost endeavours to tyrannise over his 
country, by abolishing its customs, aud drawing the people over 
to opinions contrary to the laws.” Afid to ridicule the slow 
methods of Isocrates’ teaching, he said, “ His scholars grow old 
in learning their art, as if they intended to exercise it in pleading 
causes in the shades below r .” And to dissuade his son from 
those studies, he told him in a louder tone than could be ex¬ 
pected from a man of his age, and as it were, in an oracular and 
prophetic way, “ That when the Romans came thoroughly to 
imbibe the Grecian literature, they would lose the empire of the 
world.” But time has showm the vanity of such an invidious 
assertion ; for Rome was never at a higher pitch of grandeur, 
than when she w r as most perfect in the Grecian erudition, and 
most attentive to all kinds of learning. At an advanced age, 
Cato married a second wife. Upon which his son, taking his 
relatives with him, went and asked his father “ what offence he 

o 3 
























150 


CATO THE CENSOR 


had committed, that he was going to put a mother-in-law upon 
him ?'•’ To which Cato replied, “ Ask not such a question, my 
son ; for instead of being offended I have reason to praise your 
whole conduct; I am only desirous of having more such sons, 
and leaving more such citizens to my country.” By this second 
wife Cato had a son, whom he named after his maternal grand¬ 
father Salonius. His eldest son, by his first wife, died during 
his praetorship. His father often mentions him in his writings 
as a brave and worthy man. He bore his loss with exemplary 
moderation, applying himself with his usual activity to the affairs 
I of state. For he did not, like Lucius Lucullus at a subsequent 
I period, and Metellus Pius, think age an exemption from the 
service of the public, but considered that service as his indispens¬ 
able duty : nor yet did he behave as Scipio Africanus had done, 
i who finding himself opposed bv envy in his course of glory, 
quitted the administration, and spent the remainder of his days 
in inaction. But as one told Dionysius that the most honourable 
death was to die in the possession of sovereign power, so Cato 
esteemed that the most honourable old age which was spent in 
; serving the commonwealth. The amusements in which he I 
passed his leisure hours were writing books and tilling the 1 
ground. And this is the reason of our having so many treatises 
' on various subjects, and histories of his composing 7 . In his 
younger days he applied himself to agriculture, with a view to 
profit: for he used to say that he had only two ways of in¬ 
creasing his income—labour and parsimony ; but as lie grew old 
he regarded it solely in the light of theory and amusement. He 
wrote a book concerning country affairs, which is his only work 
that remains entire. It treats on a large variety of subjects re¬ 
lative to rural life. Hg kept a better table in the country than 
in the town ; for he always invited some of his neighbours to 
sup with him. With these he passed the time in cheerful con- 
j versation, making himself agreeable not only to those of his own 
age, but to the young ; for he had a thorough knowledge of the 
world, and had collected a variety of tacts and anecdotes which 
were highly entertaining. He looked upon the table as one of 
the best means ot forming acquaintances and friendships ; and 
at his, the conversation generally turned upon the praises of 
great and excellent men among the Romans ; of the profligate 

/ Beside upwards of a hundred and fifty orations, which he left behind 
him, he wrote a Treatise upon Military Discipline, and Books of Anti¬ 
quities. In two of these he examines the foundation of the cities of Italy : 
the other five contained the Roman History, particularly a narrative of the 
first and second Punic Wars. 

































CATO THE CENSOR. 151 

and the unworthy, no mention was made ; for he would not 
allow in his company one word, either good or bad, to be spoken 
j of them. The last service which he is said to have rendered to 
i the public, was the destruction of Carthage. The younger 
| Scipio, indeed, gave the finishing stroke to that work, but it was 
undertaken chiefly by the advice and at the instance of Cato. 

| The occasion of the war was as follows. The Carthaginians 
i and Masinissa, king of Numidia, being at war with each other, 
Cato was despatched into Africa to investigate the causes of the 
quarrel. Masinissa from the first had been a friend to the 
Romans ; and the Carthaginians had been admitted into their 
i alliance, after the signal overthrow which they received from 
Scipio the elder, but upon terms which deprived them of a con¬ 
siderable part of their dominions, and imposed a heavy tribute. 
When Cato arrived at Carthage, he found that city not in the 
i exhausted and humbled condition which the Romans imagined, 
but full of men fit to bear arms, abounding in money, arms, and 
j warlike stores, and not a little elated by the thought of its being 
I so well provided. He concluded, therefore, that it was now 
i time for the Romans to endeavour to settle the points in dispute, 
j between the Numidians and Carthage ; and that if they did not 
j soon make themselves masters of that city, they would soon be 
i exposed to all their former dangers. For this reason he returned 
in all haste to Rome, where he informed the senate “ That the 
j defeats and other misfortunes which had happened to the Car- 
| thaginians had not so much drained them of their forces, as 
cured them of their folly. And that in all probability, instead 
of a weaker, they had made them a more skilful enemy. That 
their war with the Numidians was only a prelude to future com¬ 
bats with the Romans ; and that the. late peace was a mere 
name, for they had considered it only as a suspension of arms, 
of which they were willing to avail themselves only till they had 
a favourable opportunity of renewing the war.” At the con¬ 
clusion of his speech, it is said, he shook the lap of his gown, 
and purposely dropped some Lybian figs ; and when he found 
that the senators admired them for their size and beauty, he told 
them “ that the country where they grew was but three days’ 
sail from Rome.” 

But what is a stranger instance of his enmity to Carthage, he 
never gave his opinion in the senate upon any point whatever, 
without adding these words, “ And my opinion is, that Car¬ 
thage must be destroyed.” Hence, “ Delenda est Carthago,” 
passed into a species of proverb. Publius Scipio, surnamed 
Nasica, made it a point to maintain the contrary, and concluded 


















CATO THE CENSOR. 


152 

all his speeches thus, “ And my opinion is that Carthage should 
be left standing.” This illustrious man, most probably seeing 
the people hurried by feelings of insolence into the most wanton 
excesses, so that in the pride of prosperity they could not be re¬ 
strained by the senate, but by their overgrown power were able 
to draw the government in whatever way they pleased, thought 
it best that Carthage should remain to curb and moderate their 
presumption. For he saw that the Carthaginians were not 
strong enough to conquer the Romans, and yet were too respect¬ 
able to be despised by them. On the other hand, Cato deemed 
it dangerous, while the people were thus inebriated and giddy 
with power, to suffer a city which had always been great, and 
! which was now grown sober and wise through its misfortunes, 
to lie watching every advantage against them. It appeared, 
therefore, to him the wisest course to have all outward perils 
removed from the commonwealth, that it might be at leisure to 
guard against internal corruption. Thus Cato, we are told, 
caused the third and last war against the Carthaginians. But 
as soon as it began he died, having first prophesied of the 
person who should put an end to it, who was then a young man, 
and had only a tribune’s command in the army, but was giving 
extraordinary proofs of his conduct and valour. The news of 
these exploits being brought to Rome, Cato cried out— 

-“ He is the soul of council; 

The rest like shadows glide.” 

This Scipio soon confirmed by his actions. 

Some of Cato’s remarkable sayings are here recorded. One 
day when the Romans were making an unreasonable clamour for 
a division and distribution of corn, to dissuade them from it, he 
thus began his address : “ It is a difficulty, my fellow-citizens, 
to speak to the belly, because it has no ears.” At another time, 
complaining of the luxury of the Romans, he said, “ It was a 
hard matter to save that city from ruin where a fish was sold for 
more than an ox.” Upon another occasion he observed, “ The 
Roman people were like sheep ; for as those can scarcely be 
brought to stir singly, but all in a body regularly follow their 
leaders, just such,”said he,“are ye. The men whose counsel you 
would not take as individuals, lead you with ease in a crowd.” 
Speaking of the power of women, he remarked, “ All men 
naturally govern, we govern all men, and our wives govern us.” 
But this is derived from the apophthegms of Themistocles. For 
his son directing in most things through his mother, he said, 













CATO THE CENSOR. 158 

“ The Athenians govern the Greeks ; I govern the Athenians ; 
you, wife, govern me, and your son governs you ; let him then 
use with moderation that power, which, child as he is, sets him 
above all the Greeks.'” Another of Cato’s sayings was, “ That 
the Roman people fixed the value not only of the several kinds 
j of colours, but of the arts and sciences. For,” added he, “ as the 
dyers dye that sort of purple which is most agreeable to you, so 
our youth only study and strive to excel in such things as you 
commend.” Exhorting the people to virtue, he said, “ If it is 
by virtue and temperance that you are become great, change 
i not for the worse ; but if by intemperance and vice, change for 
the better; for you are already great enough by such means as 
these.” Of persons perpetually soliciting for high offices he 
observed, “ Like men who knew not their way, they wanted 
lictors always to conduct them.” He found fault with the 
people for often choosing the same persons consuls. “ You 
either, said he, think the consulate of small worth, or that there 
is but a small number worthy of the consulate.” Concerning 
one of his enemies who led a very profligate and infamous life, 
he remarked, “ His mother takes it for a curse, and not a prayer, 
when any one wishes her son may survive her.” 

When King Eumenes came to Rome, the senate received 
him with extraordinary respect, and the principal citizens strove 
which should do him the most honour, but Cato visibly neglected 
and shunned him, upon which somebody enquired, “ Why do 
you shun Eumenes, who is so good a man, and so great a friend 
to the Romans?” “ That may be,” answered Cato, “ but I look 
upon a king as a creature that feeds on human flesh ; and of all 
the kings who have been so much celebrated, I find not one to 
be compared with an Epaminondas, a Pericles, a Themistocles, a 
| Manius Curius, or with Hamilcar Barcas.” He used to say that 
; his enemies hated him because he neglected his own concerns, 
and rose before day to mind those of the public. But that he 
would rather his good actions should go unrewarded than his 
bad ones unpunished ; and that he pardoned every body’s faults 
with greater ease than his own. The Romans having sent three 
ambassadors to the King of Bithynia, of whom one had the 
gout, another had had his skull trepanned, and the third w r as 
accounted little better than a fool, Cato smiled and observed, 
“ They had sent an embassy which had neither feet, head, nor 
heart.” When Scipio applied to him, at the request of Polybius, 
in behalf of the Achaean exiles, and the matter was canvassed 
in the senate, some speaking in favour of their restoration, and 
some against it, Cato rose up and said, “ As if we had nothing 




























CATO THE CENSOR. 


154 

else to do, we sit here all day debating 1 whether a few poor old 
Greeks shall be buried by our grave-diggers or by those of their 
own country.” The senate then decreed that the exiles should 
return home ; and Polybius some days afterwards endeavoured 
to procure another meeting of that body to restore those exiles 
to their former honours in Achaia ; upon this affair he sounded 
Cato, who answered smiling, “ This was just as if Ulysses should 
have wished to enter the Cyclops’ cave again for a hat and belt 
which he had left behind him.” It was a saying of his, “ That 
wise men learn more from fools than fools from wise men ; for 
the wise avoid the errors of the fools, while fools do not profit 
by the example of the wise.” Another of his sayings was, 
“ That he liked a young man who blushed more than one who 
turned pale ; and that he did not approve a soldier who moved 
his hands in marching or his feet in fighting, and who snored 
louder in bed than he shouted in battle.” When an epicure 
desired to be admitted to his friendship he remarked, “ He 
could not live with a man whose palate had quicker sensations 
than his heart.” He used to say, “ That in all his life he re¬ 
pented but of three things :—the first, that he had trusted a 
woman with a secret; the second, that he had gone by sea when 
he might have gone by land ; and the third, that he had passed 
one day without having a will by him.” To a depraved old man 
he observed, “ Old age has deformities enough of its own ; do 
not add to it that of vice.” A tribune of the people who had 
the character of a poisoner, proposing a bad law and strenuously 
exerting himself to get it passed, Cato said to him, “ Young 
man, I know not which is the more dangerous, to drink what 
you mix, or to enact what you propose.” Being scurrilously 
treated by a man who led a dissolute and infamous life, he said, 
“ It is upon very unequal terms that I contend with you ; for 
you are accustomed to hear reproach, and can utter it with 
pleasure ; but with me it is disagreeable to utter, and unusual to 
hear it.” 

Cato died in extreme old age, about 150 e.c., leaving one son 
by his second wife, who, as we have already observed, was named 
Salonius, and a grandson by the son of his first wife, who died 
before him. Salonius died in his praetorship, leaving a son 
named Marcus, who came to be consul, and who was the father 
of Cato of Utica, the philosopher. Cato was universally deemed 
so strict in his morals, that Virgil makes him one of the judges 
of hell; and Cicero, to show his respect for him, has introduced 
him in his Treatise on Old Age as the principal character. 














PAULUS /EMILIUS. 

a.u.c. 58G. li.c. 1G8. 

The .Emilian family was one of the most ancient among* the 
Roman nobility. Its founder is said to have been Mamercus, 
the son of Pythagoras the philosopher, who, for the peculiar 
charms and gracefulness of his elocution, was styled /Emilius b 
The subject of the present memoir was the son of Lucius Paulus, 
who fell honourably at Cannae. His daughter .Emilia was married 
to Scipio the Great. /Emilius was early distinguished by his un¬ 
common application and fondness for military discipline: esteem¬ 
ing the honour that flows from bravery, justice, and probity, as 
alone worth possessing, he cultivated these virtues, and soon sur¬ 
passed all the young men of his time. The first of the high offices 
of state for which he was a candidate was that of sedile, and 
he carried it against twelve competitors ; all of whom were sub¬ 
sequently consuls. He discharged the duties of his office with 
much care and exactness. As a soldier he did not study to be 
popular in command. He explained to those who were under 
him the rules and customs of war ; and, being inexorable at the 
same time to those who transgressed them, he re-established 
his country in its former glory. During the w r ar in which the 
Romans were engaged with Antiochus the Great 2 in the East, 
and in which their most experienced officers were employed, 
another broke out in the West. There was a general revolt 
in Spain, and thither w r as Emilius sent. He beat the bar¬ 
barians in two pitched battles, and killed 30,000 of them; which 
success seems to have been owing to his generalship in choosing 
his ground, and attacking the enemy while they were crossing 

# 

1 From the Greek ed/xuXos, thrilling, animating. The word is com¬ 
pounded of al/xa, blood, and juii/Uw, to agitate. 

2 The war with Antiochus, king of Syria, began about A.U.C. 562, twenty- 
four years after the battle of Cannae. The Consul Glabrio was employed 
in it, and after him the two Scipios; the elder of Avhom was content to 
serve as lieutenant under his brother. 





rAULUS ^iMILlUS 


156 

a river: for by these means his army gained an easy victory. 
He made himself master of two hundred and fifty cities, which 
voluntarily opened their gates ; and having established peace 
throughout the province, and secured its allegiance, he returned 
to Rome. 

His first wife was Papiria, the daughter of Papirius Maso, a 
man of consular dignity. He ultimately divorced her ; and ! 
when his friends wished to reprobate his conduct for so doing, ! 
by observing that she was young and handsome, and had made 
him the father of a fine family, Paulus replied, that the shoe 
which he then wore was new and well made, but that he was 
obliged to leave it off’, though no one but himself, as he said, ' 
knew where it pinched him. He married a second wife by | 
whom he had two sons, whom he brought up in his own house. 
The sons of Papiria were adopted into the most noble families 
in Rome; the elder into that of Fabius Maximus, and the | 
younger by the son of Scipio Africanus, who gave him the ! 
name of Scipio. When iFmilius was created consul, he went 
upon an expedition against the Ligurians, whose country lies at 
the foot of the Alps. They were a bold and martial people, 
and had learned the art of war from the Romans, by means of 
their contiguity, for they dwelt in the extremities of Italy bor¬ 
dering upon that part of the Alps which is washed by the 
Tuscan Sea, just opposite to Africa, and were mixed with the j 
Gauls and Spaniards who inhabited the coast. At that time 
also they were not without some strength at sea, and their cor¬ 
sairs plundered and destroyed the merchant-ships as far as the 
Pillars of Hercules. They had an army of 40,000 men to meet 
iEmilius, who commanded but 8000. He engaged them, how¬ 
ever, and entirely routed them, and, having shut them up within 
their walled towns, offered them reasonable and moderate terms : 
for the Romans did not choose utterly to cut off the people of 
Liguria, whom they considered as a bulwark against the Gauls, 
a people always hovering over Italy. The Ligurians, confiding 
in iEmilius, delivered up their ships and their towns. He only 
rased the fortifications, and then re-delivered to them the cities ; 
but he carried off their shipping, not leaving them a vessel 
bigger than those with three banks of oars ; and he set at 
liberty a number of prisoners, as well Romans as strangers, 
whom they had captured both at sea and on land. Such were 
the memorable actions of his first consulship ; after which he 
often expressed his desire of being again appointed to the same 
high office, and even stood candidate for it; but, meeting with a 
repulse, he did not again solicit it. lie now applied himself to 



















PAULUS iEMILIUS. 157 

the discharge of his function as augur, and to the education of 
his sons, not in such arts alone as had been taught in Rome, and 
those which he had himself learned, but also in the polite arts 
of Greece. For this purpose, he not only kept masters who 
could teach them grammar, logic, and rhetoric, but sculpture 
also and painting ; and others still to instruct them in the sports 
of the field. When no public affairs prevented, he himself 
always attended their studies and exercises. As to public affairs 
generally, the Romans were then engaged in a war with Per¬ 
seus, king of Macedon, and they imputed it either to the inea- ! 
pacity or the cowardice of their generals that the advantage 
, was upon the enemy’s side. For they who had forced Antiochus 
i j the Great to quit the rest of Asia, driven him beyond Mount 
Taurus, confined him to Syria, and made him deem himself 
happy in purchasing his peace with 15,000 talents; who had 
lately vanquished king Philip in Thessaly, and delivered the 
Greeks from the Macedonian yoke ; in short, who had subdued 
Hannibal, one superior to all kings both in valour and power, 
i thought it an intolerable thing to be obliged to contend for a long , 
time with Perseus upon equal terms, as if he were a competent 
match for them, who only brought into the field the poor remains I 
of his father’s routed forces. Here, how-ever, the Romans were 
deceived ; for they were not aware, that Philip, after his defeat, 
had raised a much more numerous and better disciplined army 
than he had before. Perseus, who survived him, inherited with 
his crown his father’s hostility to Rome, but he was not equal 
to such a burden. Of an abject and ungenerous disposition, 
inordinately avaricious, and elated with the prosperity of his 
situation, he engaged in war with the Romans, and maintained 
the conflict for a long time, repulsing several of their fleets and 
armies commanded by men of consular dignity, and even beating- 
some of them. Publius Licinius, who first invaded Macedon, 

| he defeated in an engagement of the cavalry, killed 2500 of his 
j J best men, and took 600 prisoners. He surprised the Roman 
fleet which lay at anchor off Oreum, in Euboea ; took twenty of 
their store ships, sunk the rest that were loaded with wheat, and 
made himself master besides of four galleys, which had each five 
benches of oars. He fought also another battle, by which he 
drove back the consul Hostilius, who was attempting to enter 
his kingdom by Elimia; and when the same general w-as secretly 
entering his kingdom by w r ay of Thessaly, he presented himself 
before him, but the Roman did not choose to stand the encoun¬ 
ter. And as if this war alone did not sufficiently employ him, 
or that the Romans, singly, were not an enemy of sufficient im- 

p 






























158 PAULUS iEMILIUS. 

* 

portance, he went upon an expedition against the Dardanians, 
in which he cut to pieces 10,000 of them, and carried off much 
booty. At the same time he privately solicited the Gauls who 
dwelt near the Danube, and were called Bastarnae 3 : these were 
a warlike people and strong in cavalry. He tried the Illyrians 
likewise, hoping to bring them to join him by means of Gentius 
their king ; and it w T as reported that the barbarians had taken 
his money under promise of making an inroad into Italy, by the 
lower Gaul, along the coast of the Adriatic. When this intelli¬ 
gence was brought to Rome, the people thought proper to lay 
aside all regard to interest and solicitation in the choice of their 
generals, and to call to the command a person qualified in all 
respects for the direction of great affairs. Such an one was 
Paulus iEmilius, a man somewhat advanced in years, indeed, 
being about sixty, but still in his full vigour, and surrounded with 
young sons and sons-in-law, and a number of other considerable 
relatives and friends, all of whom persuaded him to listen to the 
people calling him to the consulship. At first he received the 
offer of the citizens very coo%, for he was now no longer ambi¬ 
tious of that high honour. Thronging, however, his gate day 
by day, and offering solicitations and entreaties, he was at length 
prevailed upon to appear in the forum. When he placed him¬ 
self among the candidates, he looked less like a man who sued 
for office, than one who brought success with him ; and when, 
at the request of the citizens, he w r ent down into the Campus 
Marti us, they all received him with such entire confidence and 
cordial regard, that upon their creating him consul a second 
time, they would not allow the lots to be cast for the provinces 
as usual, but immediately voted him in the direction of the war 
in Macedon 4 . It is said that after the people had voted him 

3 The Bastarnae or Basternse, first inhabited that part of European Sar- 
matia which corresponds with a part of Poland and Prussia. Afterwards 
they approached the more southern parts, and established themselves to the 
left and right of the Tyras, another name for the Dauastus or Dniester. 
They are considered to have been the founders of the Russians and 
Sclavonians. 

4 The consuls were usually elected about the end of July, or the begin¬ 
ning of August, though they did not enter upon the full discharge of the 
duties of their office till the 1st of January. Whatever they did in the interval 
in public affairs, they were said to do by their authority, not by their power. 
On the 1st of January, the senate and people waited upon the new consuls 
at their houses, whence being conducted with great pomp to the Capitol, 
they offered up their vows, and each of them offered up an ox to Jupiter; and 
then began their office by holding the senate, consulting it about the ap¬ 
pointment of the Latin holidays, and about other things concerning religion. 










FAULUS iEMIUUS. 159 

commander-in-chief against Perseus, and conducted him home 
in a very splendid manner, he found his daughter Tertia, who 
was still a child, in tears. Upon this, he took her in his arms 
and asked her why she wept ? The girl, embracing and kissing 
him, said, “ Do not you know, father, that Perseus is dead?” 
meaning a little dog of that name, which she had brought up. To 
which iEmilius replied, “ It is a lucky incident, child, I accept 
the omen.” It was the custom for those who were appointed to 
the consulship to make their acknowledgments to the people 
from the rostra ; iEmilius, in compliance with this custom, hav¬ 
ing assembled the citizens, told them, “that he had applied for 
his former consulship because he wanted a command ; but that 
in this they had applied to him because they wanted a com¬ 
mander ; and therefore at present he did not hold himself 
obliged to them. If they could have the war better directed 
by another, he would readily quit the employment ; but if 
they placed their confidence in him, he expected that they 
would not interfere with his orders, or propagate idle reports, 
but provide in silence what was necessary for the war ; for if 
they wished to command their commanders, their expeditions 
would be more ridiculous than ever.” It is not easy to express 
how much of reverence this speech procured him from the peo¬ 
ple, and what high expectations it produced of the event. They 
rejoiced that they had passed over candidates who made smooth 
professions, and fair promises, and made choice of a general who 
had so much manly freedom of speech, and so much firmness 
and dignity of manner. That Paulus yEmilius, when he went 
upon the Macedonian expedition, had a prosperous voyage and 
journey, and arrived with speed and safety in the camp, may be 
attributed to his good fortune ; but when we consider how the 
war was conducted, and see the greatness of his courage, the 
excellence of his counsels, the attachment of his friends, his 
presence of mind, and dexterity of expedients in times of dan¬ 
ger, all contributing to his success, his glorious and distinguished 
actions cannot be imputed to any account but his own. The 
avarice of Perseus, indeed, may possibly be considered as a for- 

Within five days they were obliged to swear to observe the laws as they 
had done when elected. During the first days of their office, the consuls 
cast lots, or agreed among themselves about their provinces. Before the 
Roman Empire was widely extended, the province of a consul was simply a 
certain charge assigned, as a war to be carried on, or a certain country in 
which he was to act during his consulship. In latter times, the province of 
a consul was some conquered country, reduced to the form of a province, 
which each consul, after the expiration of his office, should command ; for 
during the time of their consulship they usually remained in the city. 

p 2 
















160 TAULUS ■i'EMILIUS. 

tunate circumstance for iEmilius; since it blasted and ruined the 
immense preparations and elevated hopes of the Macedonians b}' 
a mean regard to money. For the Bastarnae had come at his ! 
request with a body of 10,000 horse, each of which had a foot- 
soldier by his side, and they all fought for hire. They were 
men who knew not how to till the ground, feed cattle, or to 
navigate ships; but their sole profession and employment were 
to fight and conquer. When these pitched their tents in Medica, 
and mingled with the king’s forces, who beheld them tall in their 
persons, ready beyond expression at their exercises, lofty and 
full of menaces against the enemy, the Macedonians were in¬ 
spired with fresh courage, and a strong opinion that the Romans ! 
would not be able to stand against them, but be terrified both by 
their looks, and by their strange and frightful motions ; after 
Perseus had filled his people with such spirits and such hopes, 
the barbarians demanded of him a thousand pieces of gold for 
each officer ; to this demand he refused to yield, and, in the 
narrowness of his heart, broke off the alliance. At the same time 
the example of the enemy pointed out to him better things; for, 
beside their other preparations, they had 100,000 men collected 
and ready for immediate action ; and yet, he having to oppose 
so considerable a force, and an armament maintained at such a 
vast expense, counted his gold, and sealed his bags, as much [ 
afraid to touch them as if they belonged to another. Neverthe¬ 
less, he was not descended from any Lydian or Phoenician mer- ! 
chant, but was allied to Alexander 5 and Philip, whose maxim it 
was to procure empire by money, and not money by empire, and 
who pursuing that maxim conquered the world, for it was a j 
common saying, “ That it was not Philip, but Philip’s gold that 
took the cities of Greece.” Alexander, when he went upon his 
Indian expedition, and saw the Macedonians dragging after them 
a heavy and unwieldy load of Persian wealth, first set fire to 
the royal carriages, and then persuaded the rest to do so to 

5 The dissimilarity in the conduct of Perseus upon this and all other 
occasions in which his ruling passion of avarice was called into exercise, 
and that of the illustrious individuals here alluded to, seems to strengthen 
the report that he was not Philip’s son; but that the wife of that prince 
took him as soon as he was born from his mother, a sempstress of Argos, 
named Gnathsenia, and imposed him upon her husband as her own. It was 
thought by some, that a principal reason of his compassing the death of 
Demetrius, was his fear that the royal house having a lawful heir, might 
prove him to be supposititious. It is certain that Philip died of grief and a 
broken heart, upon discovering that he had put Demetrius to death un¬ 
justly. The story is finely embellished in Dr. Young’s tragedy of “ The 
Brothers.” 






















TAULUS iEMILIUS. 1G1 

theirs, that they might move forward to the war light and un¬ 
encumbered ; whereas Perseus, though he and his children and 
his kingdom overflowed with wealth, would not purchase pre¬ 
servation by the expenditure of a small part of it; but was 
carried a wealthy captive to Rome, and showed the Romans 
what immense sums he had stored up for them. Nay, he not 
only deceived and sent away the Gauls, but also imposed upon 
Gentius, king of the Illyrians, whom he had persuaded to join 
him in the war by a subsidy of three hundred talents. He 
even went so far as to order the money to be counted before 
that prince’s envoys, and suffered them to put their seal upon it. 
Gentius, thinking his demands complied with, in violation of all 
the laws of honour and justice, seized and imprisoned all the 
Roman ambassadors who were then at his court. Perseus 
concluded that there was now no need of money to draw his 
ally into the war, since he had unavoidably plunged himself into 
it by an open instance of violence, and an inexcusable act of 
hostility. And, therefore, he defrauded the unhappy man of 
the three hundred talents, and without the least concern behold 
him, his wife, and children, shortly afterwards dragged from his 
ki rigdorn by the praetor Lucius Anicius, who was sent against 
him at the head of an army fi . iEmilius, advancing against such 
an adversary as Perseus, despised indeed the man, yet could 
not but admire his preparations and his strength. For he had 
4000 horse and nearly 40,000 foot, who composed the phalanx 6 7 ; 

6 Other writers state that Perseus sent ten talents at once to Gentius, 
and ordered those who bore the remainder to proceed very slowly. In the 
meantime the Macedonian ambassadors continued to urge him to the com¬ 
mission of the act of violence here recorded. From this Gentius, the herb 
“ Gentian ” had its name, as he, Pliny informs us, first discovered its useful 
bitterness. 

7 The “ phalanx ” was a body of 1G,000 men, formed into a square fifteen 
deep, when the Romans first carried their arms into Macedon. “ It was in¬ 
vincible,” says Polybius, “ so long as it remained united; but it seldom 
happened that a body which occupied the space of twenty stadia or a league, 
could find a proper field for action. The intervention of a hill, a ditch, a 
river, or a morass, destroyed its ordnance, and its enemies could so much 
the more easily ruin it, that is to say, penetrate into those openings, the un¬ 
avoidable consequence of inequality of ground, because the soldier could 
make no evolution, nor fight man to man. Supposing it even without any 
foreign obstacles, it was very difficult that the phalanx, from its own move¬ 
ments, should not suffer some fluctuation in its march ; and whether in 
pursuit of a flying enemy, or pursued itself, in its flight it certainly lost its 
strength.” From these remarks of Polybius, w ! c are led to conclude that 
the capital defect in the phalanx was its being composed of too great a 
number of soldiers; and that the successors of Philip were injudicious in 

r 3 










1G2 PAULUS iEMILIUS. 

4 

and being encamped by the sea-side at the foot of Mount 
Olympus, in a place perfectly inaccessible, and strengthened on 
’ every part with fortifications of wood, he lay free from all 
apprehensions, persuaded that he should wear out the consul by ! 
protracting the time and exhausting the treasures. But iEmilius, 
always vigilant and attentive, weighed every expedient and 
method of attack ; and perceiving that the soldiers through j 
want of discipline in time past were impatient of delay, and 
ready to dictate to their general things impossible to be exe- : 
cuted, he reproved them with the utmost severity ; ordering 
them not to intermeddle with or attend to any thing but their 
own persons and their arms, that they might be in readiness to 
: use their swords as became Romans, when their commander 
should give them an opportunity. He ordered also the sentinels 
to keep watch without their pikes, that they might guard the 
better against sleep, when they were sensible that they had 
nothing to defend themselves with against the enemv, who 
might attack them in the night. But his men complained the 
i most of want of water ; for only a little, and that but indifferent, 
flowed or rather came drop by drop from some springs near the 
sea. In this extremity ^Emilius, seeing before him Mount 
Olympus, very high and covered with trees, conjectured from 

filtering the original institution, from six or seven thousand men, to more 
than double that number. The more such a mass was augmented, the 
more must it be embarrassed in its choice of ground, and its marches must 
be slow, difficult, and dangerous. The reader may see in Polybius a 
parallel between the Macedonian manoeuvres and those of the Romans. He 
gives the preference to the latter. It must, however, he allowed, that with 
regard to the particular juncture when Philip instituted the phalanx, it was 
the happiest disposition that could have been contrived. The manner in 
which the Romans ranged their troops in three lines, and in small divisions, 
with intervals between, is only proper for troops ivell exercised and accus¬ 
tomed to brave dangers; and the Macedonians were not such when Philip 
ascended the throne. He was then obliged to form a plan, which by its 
nature could inspire them with confidence, and required but very little ex- 
! perience in the management. Dr. Gillies, however, is of opinion that 
Philip was not the inventor of the phalanx. He considers it as nothing 
different from the armour and arrangement which had always prevailed 
among the Greeks, and which Philip adopted in the most perfect form. 
He thinks there is no reason to suppose that a prince, who knew the danger 
of changing what the experience of ages had approved, made any alteration 
in the weapons or tactics of that people. His attention was more judi¬ 
ciously directed to procure in sufficient abundance arms, horses, and other 
necessary instruments of war; in reviewing and exercising his troops; and 
in accustoming them to that austere and laborious life, which is the best 
preparation for the field. The highest perfection of Grecian tactics is to be 
found in Xenophon’s Expedition. 


















PAULUS jEMILIUS. 1G3 

their verdure that there must be springs in it, which would dis¬ 
charge themselves at the bottom, and therefore caused several pits 
and wells to bo dug at the foot of it. These were soon filled with 
clear water, which ran into them with the greater force and 
rapidity because it had been previously confined. This, of 
course, was a great and seasonable relief. iEmilius sat still for 
some days, and seldom, if ever, were two large armies so near 
each other, and remained so quiet. But exploring and weighing 
every thing, he obtained information that there was only one 
way left unguarded, which lay through Perrhaebia by Pythium 
and Petra; and conceiving stronger hope from the defenceless 
condition of the place, than fear from its ruggedness and diffi- 
I cult appearance, lie ordered the matter to be discussed in 
council. Scipio, surnamed Nasica, son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, 

I who was subsequently a leading man in the senate, was the first 
that offered to head the troops in taking this circuit to come at 
the enemy. And after him, Fabius Maximus, the eldest son of 
iEmilius, though he was yet but a youth, expressed his readiness 
! to join in the enterprise. vEmilius, delighted with this circum- 
! stance, gave them a detachment, not indeed so large as Polybius 
records, but to the amount that Nasica mentions in a short letter 
in which he describes this action to a certain king. They had 
3000 Italians, who were not Romans, and 5000 men besides, 
who composed the left wing. To these Nasica added 1*20 
horse, and 200 Thracians and Cretans intermixed, who were of 
the troops of Harpalus. With this detachment he began to 
march toward the sea, and encamped at Heracleum, as if he in¬ 
tended to sail round and fall upon the enemy’s camp behind ; 
but when his soldiers had supped, and night came on, he ex¬ 
plained to the officers his real design, and directed them to 
follow a different route. Pursuing this without loss of time, he 
arrived at Pythium, where he ordered his men to take some 
! rest. There Nasica passed the night. Perseus, on his side, 

I seeing iEmilius lie quiet in his camp, had not the least suspicion 
I of the danger that threatened him ; but a Cretan deserter,, who 
j had escaped from Scipio by the way, came and informed him of 
| the circuit the Romans were taking in order to surprise him. 

! This intelligence threw him into great confusion, yet he did not 
remove his camp ; he only despatched 10,000 foreign merce¬ 
naries and 2000 Macedonians under Milo, and gave them orders 
! to possess themselves of the heights with all possible expedition. 
Polybius states that the Romans fell upon them while they were 
asleep ; but Nasica affirms that there was a sharp and dangerous 
conflict for the heights; that he himself killed a Thracian mer- 
























PAULUS ^EMILIUS 


164 

cenary who engaged him, by piercing him through with a spear ; 
and that the enemy being routed, and Milo put to a shameful 
flight without his arms and in his under garment only, he pursued 
them without any sort of hazard, and led his party down into 
the plain. Perseus, terrified at this disaster, and disappointed in 
his hopes, decamped and retired. Yet he was under the 
necessity of stopping before Pydna and risking a battle, unless 
he had chosen to split his army into garrisons for his towns, and 
there expect the enemy, who when once entered into his 
country could not be driven out without much slaughter and 
bloodshed. Plis friends represented to him that his army was 
still superior in numbers ; and that they would fight with the 
utmost resolution in defence of their wives and children, and in 
sight of their king, who was a partner in their danger. En¬ 
couraged by this representation, he fixed his camp there, pre¬ 
pared for battle, viewed the country, and assigned to each officer 
his post, as intending to meet the Romans when they came off 
their march. The field where he encamped was fit for the 
phalanx, which required plain and even ground to act in. Near 
it was a chain of little hills proper for the light-armed troops to 
retreat to, and from which they might wffieel round and renew 
the attack ; and through the middle ran the rivers iEson and 
Leucus, which, though not very deep, as it w r as now the latter 
end of summer, were likely to give the Romans some trouble. 
iEmilius, having joined Nasica, marched in good order against 
the enemy. But when he saw the disposition and number of 
their forces he was astonished, and stood still to consider what 
was proper to be done. Upon this the young officers, eager for 
engagement, and particularly Nasica, flushed with his success at 
Olympus, pressed up to him, and entreated him to lead them 
forward without delay. iEmilius only smiled and said, “ My 
friend, if I w'ere of your age, I should certainly do so ; but the 
many victories which I have gained have made me observe the 
errors of the vanquished, and forbid me to give battle, imme¬ 
diately after a march, to an army well drawn up and in every 
w r ay prepared.” He ordered the foremost ranks who were in 
sight of the enemy to present a front as if they were ready to 
engage, and the rear in the meantime to mark out a camp and 
throw up intrenchments ; after which he made the battalions 
wheel off by degrees, beginning with those next the soldiers at 
work, so that their disposition w r as insensibly changed, and his 
whole army encamped without noise. When they had supped 
and w r ere thinking of nothing but retiring to rest, the moon, 
which w r as then at full and very high, began to be darkened, and, 

















TAULUS .EMILIUS. 165 

after changing into various colours, was at last totally eclipsed. 
The Romans, according to their custom, made a great noise by 
striking upon vessels of brass, and held up lighted torches and 
faggots in the air, in order to recall her light ; but the Mace¬ 
donians did no such thing; horror and astonishment seized 
their whole camp, and a whisper passed among the multitude, 
that this appearance portended the fall of the king. iEmilius 
himself was not entirely unacquainted with this matter ; he had 
heard of the ecliptic inequalities, which bring the moon at 
certain periods in the shadow of the earth, and darken her till 
she has passed that quarter of obscurity and receives light from 
the sun again. Nevertheless, as he was wont to ascribe most 
events to the Deity, and was a religious observer of sacrifices 
and of the art of divination, he offered up to the moon eleven 
heifers as soon as he saw her regain her former lustre. At 
break of day he also sacrificed twenty oxen to Hercules, with¬ 
out any auspicious sign ; but in the twenty-first the desired 
tokens appeared, and he announced victory to his troops, pro¬ 
vided they stood on the defensive 8 . At the same time he vowed 
a hecatomb and games in honour of that god, and then com- 
' manded the officers to marshal the army in order of battle ; wait¬ 
ing, however, till the sun should decline and get round to the west, 
i lest if they came to action in the morning, it should dazzle the 
eyes of his soldiers ; he sat down the meanwhile in his tent, 
which was open to the field and to the enemy’s camp. Some 
say that toward the evening he availed himself of an artifice to 
make the enemy begin the fight. It seems he turned a horse 
loose without a bridle, and sent out some Romans to catch him, 
who were attacked while they pursued him, and so the engage¬ 
ment began. Others say, that the Thracians, commanded by 
one Alexander, attacked a Roman convoy ; that seven hundred 
Ligurians making up to its assistance, a sharp skirmish ensued ; 
and that larger reinforcements being sent to both parties, at last 
the main bodies came into action. iEmilius, like a wise pilot, 
foreseeing, by the agitation of both armies, the violence of the 

8 Here we see, as Langhorne observes, iEmilius availed himself of augury 
to bring bis troops the more readily to comply with what he knew Avas most 
prudent. lie Avas sensible of tbeir impetuosity, but he AA'as sensible, at the 
same time, that coolness and calm valour AA'ere moi’e necessary to be exerted 
against the Macedonian phalanx, Avhich Avas not inferior in courage or dis¬ 
cipline to the Romans; and therefore he told them, that the gods com¬ 
manded them to stand upon the defensive, if they desired to be victorious. 
Another reason why yEmilius deferred the fight was, as Plutarch states, be¬ 
cause the morning sun was full in “ the eyes of the soldiers.” 













PAULUS iEMILIUS. 


1G6 

8. 

impending storm, came out of his tent, passed through the 
ranks, and encouraged his men. In the meantime Nasica, who 
had rode up to the place where the skirmish began, saw the 
whole of the enemy's army advancing to the charge. First of 
all marched the Thracians, whose very aspect struck the be¬ 
holders with terror. They were men of a prodigious size ; their 
vests were black, and their legs armed with greaves; and as 
they moved, their long pikes, heavily shod with iron, shook on 
their right shoulders. Next came the mercenaries, variously 
armed according to the manner of their respective countries; 
with these were mixed the Paeonians. In the third place ad¬ 
vanced the battalions of Macedon, the flower of its youth and 
the bravest of its sons. Their new purple vests and gilded 
arms made a splendid appearance. As these took their post, 
the Chalcaspides moved out of the camp ; the fields gleamed 
with the polished steel and the brazen shields wdiieh they bore, 
and the mountains re-echoed to their cheers. In this order they 
came forward, and that with so much boldness and speed, that 
the first of their slain fell only tw r o furlongs from the Roman 
fosse. As soon as the attack began, iEmilius advanced to the 
first ranks, and found that the foremost of the Macedonians had 
struck the heads of their pikes into the shields of the Romans, 
so that it was impossible for his men to reach their adversaries 
with their swords. And wdien he saw the rest of the Mace¬ 
donians take their bucklers from their shoulders, join them close 
together, and with one motion present their pikes against his 
legions, the thoughts of such a rampart and the formidable 
appearance of such a front, struck him with terror and amaze¬ 
ment. He never indeed beheld a more dreadful spectacle, and 
he frequently afterwards mentioned the impression that it made 
upon him. He took care, how r ever, to exhibit a pleasant and 
cheerful countenance to his men, and even rode about without | 
either helmet or breastplate. But the King of Macedon, as soon 
as the engagement commenced, gave w'ay to his fears, and with¬ 
drew into the town 9 , under the pretence of sacrificing to Her¬ 
cules. It has, how r ever, been asserted that Perseus did not quit 
the field from cowardice, but owing to a wound which he had 
received in his leg from the kick of a horse, and that in the 
onset of the battle he behaved with great bravery. The 

9 This town, according to Livy, was Pydna, a city in Pieria, a Macedonian 
province near the head of the hay of Therma. The Pella to which he sub¬ 
sequently fled was a little farther to the north, and chiefly distinguished as 
the birthplace of Alexander the Great. 











PAULUS yEMILIUS. 


1G7 

Romans who engaged the phalanx, being unable to break it, 
Salius, a Pelignian officer, snatched the ensign of his com¬ 
pany and threw it among the enemy, upon which the 
Pelignians rushing forward to recover it, for the Italians 
look upon it as a great crime and disgrace to abandon their 
standard, a dreadful conflict and slaughter on both sides en¬ 
sued. The Romans attempted to cut the pikes of the Mace¬ 
donians asunder with their swords, to beat them back with their 
shields, or to put them by with their hands : but the Mace¬ 
donians, holding them steadily with both their hands, pierced 
their adversaries through their armour, as neither shield nor 
corslet was proof against the pike. The Pelignians and Mar- 
rucinians, who without any sort of discretion, or rather with a 
blind fury, had exposed themselves to wounds, and run upon 
certain death, were thrown down headlong. The first line 
thus cut in pieces, those who were behind were forced to give 
way ; and, though they did not fly, they retreated toward Mount 
Olocrus. iEmilius, seeing this, is said to have rent his clothes. 
He was reduced almost to despair to find that part of his men 
had retired, and that the rest declined the combat with a ! 
phalanx, which, on account of the pikes that defended it on all 
sides like a rampart, appeared impenetrable and invincible. 
But the unevenness of the ground and the large extent of the 
front not permitting their bucklers to be joined through the 
whole, he observed several interstices and openings in the 
Macedonian line, in one part pressing forward, and in another 
part forced to give back. For this reason he divided his troops 
with all possible expedition into platoons, which he ordered to 
throw themselves into the void spaces of the enemy’s front ; 
and so not to engage with the whole at once, but to make many 
impressions at the same time in different parts. These orders 
being given by /Emilius to the officers, and by the officers to the 
soldiers, they immediately made their way between the pikes 
wherever there was an opening : which was no sooner done than 
some took the enemy in flank, where they were quite exposed, 
while others in a circuit attacked them in the rear. Thus was 
the phalanx soon broken, and its strength, which depended 
upon one united effort, was no more ; when they came to fight 
man with man and party with party, the Macedonians had only 
short swords to strike the long shields of the Romans, which 
reached from head to foot, and slight bucklers to oppose to the 
Roman swords, which, from their weight and the force with which 
they were managed, pierced through all their armour to their 
bodies, so that they maintained their ground with difficulty, 












168 PAULUS ^EMILIUS* 

and in the end were entirely routed. It was here, however, 
that the most strenuous efforts were made on both sides ; and 
here Marcus, the son of Cato, and son-in-law of iEmilius, after 
surprising acts of valour, unfortunately lost his sword. 

As he was a youth who had received all the advantages of 
education, and who owed to so illustrious a father extraordinary 
instances of virtue, he was persuaded that he had better die than 
leave such a spoil in the hands of his enemies. He, therefore, 
flew through the ranks, and wherever he happened to see any 
of his friends or acquaintances, told them his misfortune, and 
implored their assistance. A number of brave young men was 
thus collected, who, following their leader with equal ardour/soon 
traversed their own army and fell upon the Macedonians. After 
a sharp conflict and dreadful carnage, the enemy was driven 
back, and, the ground being left vacant, the Romans sought for 
the sword, which with much difficulty was found under a heap i 
of arms and dead bodies. Transported with this success, they | 
charged those that remained unbroken with still greater eager- : 
ness and shouts of triumph. The 3000 Macedonians, who were 
all select men, kept their stations and maintained the fight, but at 
last were entirely cut off. The rest fled, and terrible indeed was 
the slaughter. The fields and the sides of the hills were covered 
with the dead, and the river Leucus, which the Romans crossed 
the da} r after the battle, was even then mixed with blood ; for it 
is said, though from the circumstances of the fight it seems 
utterly impossible, that about 25,000 were killed on the Mace¬ 
donian side ; whereas, the Romans lost but 100 ; according to 
Nasica, only eighty. This great, battle was soon decided, for 
it began at three o’clock in the afternoon, and before four 
o’clock victory declared herself. The remainder of the day 
was employed in the pursuit, which continued for about the 
distance of 120 furlongs. Upon their return, the servants went 
to meet their masters with lighted torches, and conducted them 
with shouts of joy to their tents, which they had illuminated 
and adorned with crowns of ivy and laurel. Perseus now fled 
to Pella, where the cruelty, injustice, and avarice of his conduct 
caused him to be deserted by those who under other circum¬ 
stances would have clung to him in his fallen fortune. He 
subsequently fled to Samothrace, where he took refuge at the 
altar of Castor and Pollux, and his subjects submitted to AEmi- 
lius, who in two days was master of the whole of Macedon. 
From Samothrace, Perseus endeavoured to effect his escape, 
but without success. His children were betrayed into the 
hands of the Romans ; and he, placing the highest confidence 















PAULUS JEMILIUS. 1G9 

in Nasica, sought an interview with that general; but, he being 
absent, Perseus surrendered himself at once to Octavius. 

By him he was conducted into the presence of yEmilius, then 
at Amphipolis, when he behaved himself with such abject 
servility, and evinced so overpowering a fear of death, as to 
extort from the high-minded consul a severe and justly merited 
i reproof. He was delivered into the custody of Tubero. Upon 
the arrival of the ten commissioners from Rome, all men of 
consular dignity, for settling the affairs of Macedon, iEmilius 
declared the lands and cities of the Macedonians free, and ordered 
that they should be governed by their own laws ; only reserving 
a tribute to the Romans of a hundred talents, which was not 
half what their kings had imposed. After this he exhibited 
| various games and spectacles, offered sacrifices to the gods, and 
made great entertainments ; for all which he found an abundant 
supply in the royal treasury. His conduct, however, in regard 
to Epirus, which he violently plundered, and the inhabitants of 
which, to the number of 150,000 persons, he reduced to slavery, 1 
is worthy of severe condemnation. He now prepared to return 
home. From Oricum, having embarked his forces, he passed 
over into Italy. He sailed up the Tiber in the king’s galley, 
which had sixteen banks of oars, and was richly adorned with 
arms taken from the enemy, and with cloth of scarlet and purple ; 
and the banks of the river being covered with multitudes, who 
came to see the ship as it slowly advanced against the stream, 
the Romans in some measure anticipated the triumph. The 
triumph itself, however, was violently opposed, chiefly by the 
soldiers, who were disappointed at not receiving greater rewards 
from the treasures of the vanquished king. Marcus Servilius, a 
man of consular dignity, by a firm and manly speech turned the 
tide of popular feeling in favour of iEmilius, and a triumph was 
accordingly voted to him by every tribe, and three days were 
appointed to exhibit the fruits of his victories. The triumph 
was conducted upon a scale of surpassing splendour and magni¬ 
ficence. Perseus, with his wretched family, adorned the tri- 
umphal procession of the conqueror ; and as they w'ere dragged 
through the streets before the chariot of Paulus they drew tears 
of compassion from the people. The riches which the Romans 
derived from this conquest were immense ; and the people were 
freed from all taxes till the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa ; 
but while every one of the citizens received some benefit from 
the victories of /Emilias, the conqueror himself was poor, and 
appropriated to his own use nothing of the Macedonian trea¬ 
sures except the library of Perseus. The estate which he left 

Q 














PAULUS vEMILIUS. 


170 

behind him was very inconsiderable. Of this he left his sons 
joint heirs. 

Perseus himself died in prison, or, according to some, he was 
put to death the first year of his captivity. He had two sons, 
Philip and Alexander, and one daughter, whose name is not 
known. Alexander, the younger of these, was hired by a Roman 
carpenter, and led the greater part of his life in obscurity till 
his ingenuity raised him to notice. He was afterwards made 
secretary to the senate. iEmilius was universally revered, and 
in the office of censor, to which he was afterwards elected, he 
conducted himself with the utmost moderation and discretion. 
His lot, however, was not without its trials. There is, perhaps, 
observes Plutarch, some superior Being, whose office it is to cast 
a shade upon any great and eminent prosperity, and so to mingle 
the lot of human life, that it may never be perfectly free from 
calamity; but that those, as Homer says, may think themselves 
most happy, to whom fortune gives an equal share of good and 
evil b For iEmilius, having four sons, two adopted into other 
families, and two by his second wife, as yet but young, whom he 
brought up in his own house ; one of these died at fourteen 
years of age, five days before his father’s triumph, and the other 
at twelve, three days after it. Upon this melancholy event he 
assembled together the Roman people, and addressed them in 
the following gracious and high-souled speech : “ Though I 
never,” said he, “ feared any thing human, yet among things 
divine I alwavs had a dread of Fortune, as the most faithless 

1 Plutarch here refers to a passage in the speech of Achilles to Priam 
(11. 24 — 526) which is thus translated by Pope: 

“ Two urns by Jove’s high throne have ever stood, 

The source of evil one, and one of good ; 

From thence the cup of mortal man he fills, 

Blessings to these, to those distributes ills; 

To most he mingles both ; the wretch, decreed 
To taste the bad uninixcd, is cursed indeed. 

The happiest taste not happiness sincere, 

But find the cordial draught is dashed with care.” 

Flato has censured it as an impiety to say that God gives evil. God is 
not the author of evil. Moral evil is the result of the abuse of free agency; 
natural evil is the consequence of the imperfection of matter, and the" Deity 
stands justified in his creating beings liable to both, because natural imper¬ 
fection was necessary to a progressive existence, moral imperfection was 
necessary to virtue, and virtue was necessary to happiness. Homer’s alle¬ 
gory, however, seems borrowed from the Eastern manner of speaking. Thus 
in the Psalms, “ In the hand of the Lord there is a cup, aud Jle pourcth out 
of the same : as for the dregs thereof, all the ungodly of the earth shall drink 
them.” lxxv. 8. 





















PAULUS iEMILIUS. 171 

and variable of all being's ; and because, in the course of this 
war, she prospered every measure of mine, the rather did I 
expect that some tempest would follow so favourable a gale : 
for in one day I passed the Ionian Sea, from Brundusium to 
Corcyra ; thence in five days I reached Delphi, and sacrificed 
to Apollo. Within five days more, I took upon me the com¬ 
mand of the army in Macedon ; and as soon as I had offered 
the usual sacrifices for purifying it, I proceeded to action, and in 
the space of fifteen days from that time put a glorious period 
to the war. Distrusting the fickle goddess on account of such 
a flow of success, and being now secure and free from all danger 
with respect to the enemy, I was most apprehensive of a change 
of fortune on my passage home ; having such a large and vic¬ 
torious army to conduct, together with the spoils and royal 
prisoners. Nay, when I arrived safe among iny countrymen, 
and beheld the city full of joy, festivity and gratitude, still I 
suspected Fortune, knowing that she grants us no considerable 
favour without some mixture of uneasiness or infliction of pain. 
Thus, full of anxious thoughts for what might happen to the 
commonwealth, my fears did not quit me till this calamity visited 
my house, and I had my two promising sons, the only heirs 
whom I had left myself, to bury one after the other on the 
very days sacred to triumph. Now, therefore, I am secure as 
to the greatest danger, and I trust, and am fully persuaded, that 
Fortune will continue kind and constant to us, since she has 
taken sufficient retribution for the favours of me and mine ; for 
the man who led the triumph is as striking an instance of the 
weakness of human power as he that was led captive ; with this 
difference alone, that the sons of Perseus who were vanquished 
are alive, and those of iEmilius who conquered are no more 2 .” 
He did not long survive this blow. He was attacked by a dis¬ 
temper which baffled the skill of his physicians, and took him 
off in the 68th year of his age, having attained to every thing 
which is supposed to constitute the happiness of man. He lived 
beloved, and died deeply lamented as well by enemies and 
foreigners, as by his own countrymen and friends. 

2 The whole of this speech as recorded by Livy (xlv. 40.) will amply 
repay perusal. 


q 2 











A 


CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 


OF THE MOST REMARKABLE EVENTS CONNECTED WITH ROMAN 

HISTORY. 


Romulus builds Rome, according to Varro. 

-according to Cato. 

The rape of the Sabines, three years after which, at the 
epoch of Nabonassar, Tatius, their prince, is associated 

with Romulus in the united empire. 

Romulus dies, and after a year’s interregnum is succeeded 

by Numa Pompilius. 

Numa dies, and Tullus Hostilius succeeds. 

Death of Tarquinius Superbus ; and his family at the same 
time expelled from Rome, and consuls established . . 

Valerius Publicola is chosen consul in the room of Colla- 

tinus. 

Brutus fights Aruns, the eldest son of Collatinus, and'I 

both fall.( 

Horatius Pulvillus dedicates the temple of Jupiter Capi- C 
tolinus. J 


B.C. 

753 

*752 


750 

716 

672 

509 

509 

509 


1 Sir Isaac Newton’s theory, which places the foundation of Rome B.c. 
627, would completely unhinge the established chronology. Besides, after 
i the instances of Louis XIV. and XV. whose two reigns cover an interval of 
j 132 years, how can any one argue securely upon averages of succession ? 
Saul, David, and Solomon reigned 120 years. 







































CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 


Horatius Codes defends the Sublician bridge. 
Publicola dies. 


The people of Rome secede to the Mons Sacer, and are 

brought back by Menenius Agrippa. 

C. Marcius Coriolanus is banished from Rome, and retires 

to the Volsci. 

Tribunes chosen .. 

Coriolanus besieges Rome ; but, on the intercession of his 
wife and mother, withdraws the Volscian army, and is 

subsequently put to death by that people. 

The Romans send to Athens for Solon’s laws. 

The Decemviri chosen, and the law r s of the XII. Tables 

compiled. 

The consulship restored. 

Censors established. 

The Romans defeated at Allia by the Gauls .... 1 

Camillus made dictator. f 

Rome taken by the Gauls. 

Theatres established. 

The war with the Samnites begins, and lasts 71 years: 
during the last ten the Samnites confederate with the 

Tarentines.. 

The Romans passed under the yoke of the Samnites at the 

Furculae Caudinse. 

Sun-dial introduced. 

Aqueducts built .. 

Q. Fabius defeats the Samnites, Marsi, and Peligni . . . 

Pyrrhus passes into Italy, and continues there and in I 
Sicily till his defeat by Curius at Maleventum, from { 

Pyrrhus dies. 

All Italy submits to Rome. 

The first Punic war begins, and lasts 23 years 
The Carthaginians defeated at sea by the Romans under 
Duilius, who has the first naval triumph . . . 

Regulus defeated and taken prisoner .... 

Dies. 


The temple of Janus shut for the first time since the reign 

of Numa. 

The first divorce at Rome by S. P. Carvilius . . 

Saguntum taken and destroyed by Hannibal, which 

the second Punic w'ar. 

Hannibal having previously gained the battles of Ticinum 


173 

B.C. 

508 

503 

493 

491 

490 


488 

454 

451 

449 

437 

390 

385 

301 


343 

321 

312 

311 

308 

280 

to 

274 

272 

270 

264 


causes 


260 

256 

251 

235 

231 

219 

219 
















































174 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

B.C. 

and Trebia, defeats the consul Flaminius at the lake 

Thrasymene.217 

Hannibal defeats the consuls Varro and iEmilius at * 

Cannae in Apulia.£ 216 

Marcellus beats Hannibal at Nola.> 

Takes Syracuse after a siege of three years.212 

Dies . “.‘.208 

Asdrubal on his way to reinforce Hannibal is defeated and 

slain by Claudius Nero.207 

Hannibal defeated at Zama in Africa by Scipio Africanus, 

or the Great.202 

T. Q. Flaminius defeats Philip, king of Macedon, at 

Cynoscephale in Thessaly.197 

Proclaims liberty to Greece.196 

Cato the Censor triumphs for his conquests in Spain . . 196 

War of the Romans with Antiochus the Great, king of 

Syria, begins.192 

Antiochus is totally defeated by L. C. Scipio (Asiaticus) 
at Magnesia in Lydia, at the head of the first Roman 

army that ever entered Asia.190 

P. ZEmilius totally defeats Perseus, king of Macedon, at 

Pydna.168 

P. iEmilius dies, aet. 68.160 

Third Punic war begins.149 

Carthage destroyed by P. Scipio (Africanus II.) and Co¬ 
rinth by L. Mummius. 146 

Tiberius Gracchus is put to death for attempting to inO 

troduce an agrarian law. 

Numantia is destroyed by Scipio.> 133 

The kingdom of Pergamus is annexed to the Roman I 

empire. J 

Carthage is rebuilt by order of the Roman senate, under 

the superintendence of Caius Gracchus. .123 

The Jugurthine war of five years begins.Ill 

Marius receives Jugurtha from king Bocchus.106 

The Social, or Marsian -war, begins ; lasts three years, and 

is terminated by Sylla. 91 

The civil war between the parties of Marius and Sylla be¬ 
gins, and lasts till the defeat of Carbo and Marius the 

Younger at Prseneste.88 

Marius dies, aet. 70.86 

Sylla, who had previously been sent into Cappadocia, takes 
Athens, and cuts to pieces the army of Archelaus . . 86 

































CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 


Makes peace with Mithridates. 

Created dictator, and continues for three years . . 

Resigns his office, and dies the following year . . 

Lucullus renews the war against Mithridates . . . 

The servile war begins under Spartacus .... 

He dies. 

Lucullus defeats Mithridates and Tigranes in Armenia, 


takes Tigranocerta 


and 


Pompey begins and completes the piratical war . . . . 

Succeeds Lucullus, and conquers Armenia, Syria, &c., 
which latter kingdom he reduces the following year to a 
Roman province, putting an end to the reign of the 

Seleucidae. 

Octavius, afterwards surnamed Augustus, born . . . . 

The first triumvirate formed. 

C. Julius Caesar crosses the Rhine, defeats the Germans, 

and first passes into Britain. 

Battle of Pharsalia, and death of Pompey. 

Cato the Younger, after the defeat of Juba, kills himself at 

Utica. 

Caesar assassinated. 

Marcus Brutus and Cassius fall by their own hands at 

Philippi. 

The battle of Actium. 

Egypt reduced to a Roman province. 

Gaul conquered by the Romans. 


Death of Augustus Caesar. 

Tiberius dies. 

Caligula dies. 

Claudius ascends the throne. 

Nero dies. 

Yitellius ascends the throne. 

Jerusalem is taken by Titus, son of Vespasian ; and the 
city and temple destroyed, 1,100,000 persons having 

perished in the siege. 

Vespasian dies, and is succeeded by Titus. 

Titus dies, and is succeeded by Domitian. 

Domitian is slain and succeeded by Nerva. 

Nerva dies, and is succeeded by Trajan. 

Constantine begins to reign. 

Christianity adopted by the emperor of Rome . . . . 

Constantine removes the seat of empire to Constantinople 


175 


E.C. ' 

84 

82 

79 

74 

73 

71 

G9 

G7 


GG 

G4 

59 


48 

4G 

44 


42 

34 

31 

25 

A.D. 

19 

30 

44 

57 

51 

G4 


70 

79 

81 

9G 

98 

306 

311 

329 







































I7G CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

A.D. 

Rome divided into the Eastern and Western Empire by 

Theodosius ..*.395 

Theodosius, surnamed the Great, from the greatness of his 


exploits, was the last of the emperors who was the sole master of 
the whole Roman empire. He left three children, Arcadius 
and Honorius, who succeeded him, and Pulcheria. 


THE END. 


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